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The longer he fought, the more painful the wound...
08:51, 2010-Jan-20
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The longer he fought, the more painful the wound on his right arm becameBai Zhen by himself was as much as he could manage, let alone the other four or five bodyguards that also surrounded himBai Zhen's hands dived and flew, every move accurate and deadly, and Bald Vulture, completely absorbed in fending him off, was unprepared for a cold-blooded attack from behindA bodyguard thrust his sword deep into Bald Vulture's back
Bald Vulture knew instantly that he would dieHe swung his elbow back with all his strength and smashed his attacker's skull, then with a huge roar, he raised his sword and threw it forcefully across the room at Qian LongThe bodyguard Ma who was carrying the Emperor, saw the blade flying towards them and with no time to dodge out of the way, put his hand up to stop itBut this was a throw by a man on the verge of death, backed by incalculable strength and outrage and the sword sliced off half of his hand and plunged through prada clutch his chest and out the other side
Bald Vulture was content, assuming that the sword must have entered Qian LongExchanging his own life for that of an Emperor made death seem worthwhileMadame Guan ran to her husband as Bai Zhen hurriedly picked Qian Long up off the floor
"Your Highness, are you all right?" he asked
Qian Long was scared out of his wits, but he struggled to control himself"At least I was well-prepared," he replied with a smile
Bai Zhen could see the tip of Bald Vulture's sword extending six inches out of Ma's back and the rip on the front of Qian Long's gown, and he wondered in awe how the Emperor had avoided injury
"Your Highness is very fortunate," he said"Truly, the Son of Heaven has the protection of a hundred Gods
What he did not know was that Qian Long had been so fearful of an assassination attempt as a result of his decision to break his pact with the Red Flower Society that he decided to wear a metallic vest at cheap chanel purse all timesIt had saved his life
Bai Zhen looked round and saw there was no longer anyone blocking the stepsHe lifted Qian Long onto his back, the bodyguards fell in around him and they all ran straight downstairsBut just as they were about to pass through the pavilion's main entrance, Qian Long gave a shout of alarm and struggled free of Bai Zhen's grasp: standing in the doorway was Chen JialuoBehind him, their torches dancing and swords glinting, were several dozen kung fu fightersThe Emperor turned and ran straight back up the stairsThe bodyguards swarmed like bees after him with the Red flower Society heroes on their heelsTwo of the guards who were slightly slower than the rest were intercepted by the Twin Knights and instantly killed
Chen and the other heroes had had to fight their way through the palace to the Precious Moon Pavilion, and they were delighted to find that in spite of the delay, the Emperor had not yet escapedShouting in louis vuitton back pack triumph, the heroes galloped up the stairsChen assigned men to watch the various exitsPriest Wu Chen stood with his sword at the ready at the head of the stair well on the third floor, while the Twin Knights guarded the bottom of the stairs'Buddha' Zhao and three of the Shaolin monks took up positions by the windows
Huo Qingtong saw her teacher Madame Guan in a corner embracing Bald Vulture, blood welling in great surges from the gash in his backShe went over with Master Lu who took out some ointmentBald Vulture smiled bitterly and shook his head
"I'm sorry," he said to Madame Guan"Because of me, you've been unhappy for all these yearsWhen you return to the Muslim areas you must marry and then I will be content in the afterworldBrother Lu, you must make sure for me that this happy event takes place
Madame Guan's eyebrows flew up in outrage"Do you mean to say," she demanded, "that you do not know how I have felt towards you in the past gucci fabric few months?"
Lu was just about to suggest it would be better for her to say a few comforting words to her dying husband rather than start another argument, when she jumped to her feet and shouted: "Well, I'll rest your mind at ease!" She raised her sword and drew it firmly across her throatLu and Huo Qingting were standing at her side, but neither was quick enough to save herBald Vulture let loose a wail of grief which was cut short as he also diedHuo Qingtong threw herself onto their corpses and sobbed uncontrollably
Chen pointed his dagger at Qian Long"Even forgetting the pact we made in the Six Harmonies Pagoda, we agreed on the dyke at Haining never to harm each otherAnd yet you use poisoned wine to try and get rid of meWhat do you have to say?" He stepped forward and pointed the dagger's blade, glinting coldly, directly at Qian Long's heart"You have decided to throw in your lot with the barbariansYou have cruelly oppressed the common fake chloe bag peo
The eye Harry saw in the mirror...
08:45, 2010-Jan-19
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The eye Harry saw in the mirror \a150\a150"
"Harry admits he could have imagined the eye! Don't you, Harry?"
"I could have," said Harry without looking at her
"But you don't thing you did, do you?" asked Ron
"No, I don't," said Harry
"There you go!" said Ron quickly, before Hermione could carry on"If it wasn't Dumbledore, explain how Dobby knew we were in the cellar, Hermione?"
"I can't \a150\a150 but can you explain how Dumbledore sent him to us if he's lying in a tomb at Hogwarts?"
"I dunno, it could've been his ghost!"
"Dumbledore wouldn't come back as a ghost," said HarryThere was little about Dumbledore he was sure of now, but he knew that much"He would have gone on
"What d'you mean, 'gone on'?" asked Ron, but before Harry could say any more, a voice behind them said, "'Arry?"
Fleur had come out of the cottage, her long silver replica rolex submariner hair flying in the breeze
"'Arry, Grip'ook would like to speak to you'E eez in ze smallest bedroom, 'e says 'e does not want to be over'eard
Her dislike of the goblin sending her to deliver messages was clear; she looked irritable as she walked back around the house
Griphook was waiting for them, as Fleur had said, in the tiniest of the cottage's three bedrooms, in which Hermione and Luna slept by nightHe had drawn the red cotton curtains against the bright, cloudy sky, which gave the room a fiery glow at odds with the rest of the airy, light cottage
"I have reached my decision, Harry Potter," said the goblin, who was sitting cross-legged in a low chair, drumming its arms with his spindly fingers"Though the goblins of Gringotts will consider it base treachery, I have decided to help you \a150\a150"
"That's great!" said Harry, relief surging chanel lookalike bags cheap through him"Griphook, thank you, we're really \a150\a150"
"\a150\a150 in return," said the goblin firmly, "for payment
Slightly taken aback, Harry hesitated
"How much do you want? I've got gold
"Not gold," said Griphook
His black eyes glittered; there were no whites to his eyesThe sword of Godric Gryffindor
Harry's spirits plummeted
"You can't have that," he said
"Then," said the goblin softly, "we have a problem
"We can give you something else," said Ron eagerly"I'll bet the Lestranges have got loads of stuff, you can take your pick once we get into the vault
He had said the wrong thingGriphook flushed angrily
"I am not a thief, boy! I am not trying to procure treasures to which I have no right!"
"The sword's ours \a150\a150"
"it is not," said the goblin
"We're Gryffindors, and it was Godric Gryffindor's \a150\a150"
"And before it was tiffany
I thought we had a good field, but I favored...
08:44, 2010-Jan-18
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I thought we had a good field, but I favored DukakisIn Massachusetts he had presided over a successful high-tech economy, had balanced budgets, and had advanced both education and welfare reformHe was governing as a New Democrat, and he knew what it was like to lose an election to negative attacks and make a successful comebackEven though most Americans thought of Massachusetts as a liberal state, I believed we could sell him because he was a successful governor and would avoid the errors that had sunk us in previous electionsBesides, we were friendsMike was relieved when I didnt enter the race and gave me an early birthday present, a T-shirt inscribed with the words Happy 41stYoull only be 49!
At the end of the meeting, Jim Blanchard put on a terrific rock-and-roll concert featuring Motown artists from the sixties, including the Four Tops, Martha Reeves and the Vandellas, and JrWalker, a legendary tenor sax player who could make the horn play an octave higher than most of us mere mortals couldNear the end of the show, a young woman came up to me and invited me to play the sax with all the groups on the balenciaga motorcycle bag Motown standard Dancin in the StreetI hadnt played a note in three yearsIs there any sheet music? I askedWhat key is it in? She answered, I dont have a clueCan I have a couple of minutes to warm up the horn? Again, NoI gave the only possible answer: Okay, Ill do itI went up to the stageThey gave me a horn, promptly attached a mike to the bell, and the music startedI played as softly as I could until I tuned the horn and figured out the keyThen I joined in and did pretty wellI still keep a picture of JrWalker and me doing a riff together
September was a busy monthWith the new school year starting, I appeared on NBCs Meet the Press along with Bill Bennett, who had succeeded Terrel Bell as President Reagans secretary of educationI got along well with Bennett, who appreciated my support for accountability and teaching kids basic values in school, and he didnt disagree when I said the states needed more federal help to pay for early-childhood programsWhen Bennett criticized the National Education Association as an obstacle to accountability, I said I thought the NEA was doing better on that score and reminded him rolex ladies that Al Shanker, leader of the other big teachers union, the American Federation of Teachers, supported both accountability and values education
Unfortunately, my relationship with Bill Bennett didnt fare well after I became President and he began promoting virtue for a livingAlthough he had once inscribed a book to me with the words To Bill Clinton, the Democrat who makes sense, he apparently came to believe that either he had been wrong or I had lost whatever sense I had when he wrote those words
Around the time of the Meet the Press interview, Senator Joe Biden, the chairman of the judiciary committee, asked me to testify against Judge Robert Bork, who had been nominated to the USupreme Court by President ReaganI knew Joe wanted me because I was a white southern governor; the fact that I had been Borks student in Constitutional Law was an added bonusBefore I agreed, I read most of Borks articles, important judicial opinions, and published reports of his speechesI concluded that Judge Bork should not go on the Supreme CourtIn an eight-page statement, I said I liked and respected Bork as a teacher and chanel j10 watch knockoff thought President Reagan should have considerable latitude in his appointments, but I still believed the nomination should be rejected by the SenateI argued that Borks own words demonstrated that he was a reactionary, not a mainstream conservativeHe had criticized almost every major Supreme Court decision expanding civil rights except Brown vIn fact, Bork had been one of two lawyers, along with William Rehnquist, to advise Barry Goldwater to vote against the Civil Rights Act of 1964As a southerner, I knew how important it was not to reopen the wounds of race by disturbing those decisionsBork had the most restrictive view on what the Supreme Court can do to protect individual rights of anyone who had been nominated to the Supreme Court in decadesHe thought dozens of court decisions needed to be reversedFor example, he said a married couples right to use contraceptives was no more deserving of privacy protection from government action than a utilitys right to pollute the airIn fact, as his ruling against Arkansas in the Grand Gulf case showed, he thought utilities and other business interests were entitled to louis vuitton denim pleaty bag more protection than individual citizens from government actions he disagreed withHowever, when it came to protecting business interests, he threw judicial restraint out the window in favor of activismHe even said federal courts shouldnt enforce antitrust laws because they were based on a flawed economic theoryI asked the Senate not to take the risk that Judge Bork would act on his long-held convictions rather than on the more moderate assurances he was then giving in the confirmation process
I had to file the testimony rather than give it in person, because the hearings were delayed and I had to leave for a trade mission to EuropeIn late October, the Senate rejected the Bork nomination, 5842I doubt that my testimony influenced a single votePresident Reagan then nominated Judge Antonin Scalia, who was as conservative as Bork but hadnt said and written as much to prove itIn December 2000, in the case of Bush vGore, he wrote the Saturday opinion of the Supreme Court granting an unprecedented injunction to stop counting votes in FloridaThree days later, by a 54 vote, the Supreme Court gave the election to George cheapest replica speedy louis vuitton real leather
Once you get over the brightness of it all, the...
08:41, 2010-Jan-17
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Once you get over the brightness of it all, the general effect was quite pleasantAt least there were no radishes dangling from her ears
Xenophilius, who was deep in conversation with an acquaintance, had missed the exchange between Luna and HarryBiding the wizard farewell, he turned to his daughter, who held up her finger and said, "Daddy, look - one of the gnomes actually bit me
"How wonderful! Gnome saliva is enormously beneficialLovegood, seizing Luna's outstretched fingers and examining the bleeding puncture marks"Luna, my love, if you should feel any burgeoning talent today - perhaps an unexpected urge to sing opera or to declaims in Mermish - do not repress it! You may have been gifted by the Gernumblies!"
Ron, passing them in the opposite direction let out a loud snort
"Ron can laugh," said Luna serenely as Harry led her and Xenophilius toward their seats, "but my father has done a lot of research on Gernumbli magic
"Really?" said Harry, who had long since decided not to challenge Luna or tiffany bracelet her father's peculiar views"Are you sure you don't want to put anything on that bite, though?"
"Oh, it's fine," said Luna, sucking her finger in a dreamy fashion and looking Harry up and downI told Daddy most people would probably wear dress robes, but he believes you ought to wear sun colors to a wedding, for luck, you know
As she drifted off after her father, Ron reappeared with an elderly witch clutching his armHer beaky nose, red-rimmed eyes, and leathery pink hat gave her the look of a bad-tempered flamingo
"\a133and your hair's much too long, Ronald, for a moment I thought you were GinevraMerlin's beard, what is Xenophilius Lovegood wearing? He looks like an omeletAnd who are you?" she barked at Harry
"Oh yeah, Auntie Muriel, this is our cousin Barny
"Another Weasley? You breed like gnomesIsn't Harry Potter here? I was hoping to meet himI thought he was a friend of yours, Ronald, or have you merely been boasting?"
"No - he couldn't come -"
"HmmMade an excuse, did he? Not as gormless as he imitation louis vuitton wallets looks in press photographs, thenI've just been instructing the bride on how best to wear my tiara," she shouted at Harry"Goblin-made, you know, and been in my family for centuriesShe's a good-looking girl, but still - \iFrench\iWell, well, find me a good seat, Ronald, I am a hundred and seven and I ought not to be on my feet too long
Ron gave Harry a meaningful look as he passed and did not reappear for some timeWhen next they met at the entrance, Harry had shown a dozen more people to their placesThe Marquee was nearly full now and for the first time there was no queue outside
"Nightmare, Muriel is," said Ron, mopping his forehead on his sleeve"She used to come for Christmas every year, then, thank God, she took offense because Fred and George set off a Dungbomb under her chair at dinerDad always says she'll have written them out of her will - like they care, they're going to end up richer than anyone in the family, rate they're going\a133 Wow," he added, blinking rather rapidly as Hermione came dior hurrying toward them"You look great!"
"Always the tone of surprise," said Hermione, though she smiledShe was wearing a floaty, lilac-colored dress with matching high heels; her hair was sleek and shiny"Your Great-Aunt Muriel doesn't agree, I just met her upstairs while she was giving Fleur the tiaraShe said, 'Oh dear, is this the Muggle-born?' and then, 'Bad posture and skinny ankles'"
"Don't take it personally, she's rude to everyone," said Ron
"Talking about Muriel?" inquired George, reemerging from the marquee with Fred"Yeah, she's just told me my ears are lopsidedI wish old Uncle Bilius was still with us, though; he was a right laugh at weddings
"Wasn't he the one who saw a Grim and died twenty-four hours later?" asked Hermione
"Well, yeah, he went a bit odd toward the end," conceded George
"But before he went loopy he was the life and soul of the party," said Fred"He used to down an entire bottle of firewhisky, then run onto the dance floor, hoist up his robes, and start pulling bunches of flowers cartier santos wit out of his -"
"Yes, he sounds a real charmer," said Hermione, while Harry roared with laughter
"Never married, for some reason," said Ron
"You amaze me," said Hermione
They were all laughing so much that none of them noticed the latecomer, a dark-haired young man with a large, curved nose and thick black eyebrows, until he held out his invitation to Ron and said, with his eyes on Hermione, "You look vunderful
"Viktor!" she shrieked, and dropped her small beaded bag, which made a loud thump quite disproportionate to its sizeAs she scrambled, blushing, to pick it up, she said "I didn't know you were - goodness - it's lovely to see - how are you?"
Ron's ears had turned bright red againAfter glancing at Krum's invitation as if he did not believe a word of it, he said, much too loudly, "how come you're here?"
"Fleur invited me," said Krum, eyebrows raised
Harry, who had no grudge against Krum, shook hands; then feeling that it would be prudent to remove Krum from Ron's vicinity, offered to show him his louis vuitton demin bags for sale in the uk
No American President had been there in twenty...
09:06, 2010-Jan-16
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No American President had been there in twenty years because of Syrias support for terrorism and its domination of LebanonI wanted Assad to know that I was committed to a Syrian-Israeli peace based on UN Resolutions 242 and 338, and that, if an agreement were reached, I would work hard to improve relations with his countryI took some heat for going to Syria because of its support for Hezbollah and other violent anti-Israeli groups, but I knew there would never be security and stability in the region unless Syria and Israel were reconciledMy meeting with Assad produced no big breakthrough, but he did give me some encouraging hints about how we might move forwardIt was clear that he wanted to make peace, but when I suggested that he ought to go to Israel, reach out to the Israeli citizens, and make his case in the Knesset as Anwar Sadat had done, I could tell that I was beating a dead horseAssad was brilliant but literal-minded and extremely cautiousHe enjoyed the security of his beautiful marble palace and his daily routine in Damascus, and he couldnt imagine taking the political risk of flying to Tel AvivAs soon as our meeting and the obligatory press conference were over, I flew to Israel to tell Rabin what Id learned
In a speech to the Knesset, Israels parliament, I thanked and praised Rabin and assured the Knesset members that as Israel took steps toward peace, the United States would move to enhance its security and economic progressIt was a timely message because louis vuitton new bags Israel had recently suffered yet another deadly terrorist attackUnlike the Palestinian agreement, which many Israelis opposed, the Jordan peace pact had the support of nearly everyone in the Knesset, including the leader of the Likud opposition, Benjamin Bibi NetanyahuThe Israelis admired and trusted King Hussein; they remained uncertain about Arafat
On the twenty-eighth, after an emotional visit to Yad Vashem, Israels magnificent Holocaust memorial, Hillary and I said good-bye to Yitzhak and Leah Rabin, and I flew to Kuwait to see the emir and to thank our troops for forcing the withdrawal of Iraqi forces from the Kuwait border through their rapid deployment to the areaAfter Kuwait, I flew to Saudi Arabia for a few hours to see King FahdI had been impressed by Fahds call, in early 1993, asking me to stop the ethnic cleansing of the Bosnian MuslimsOn this occasion, Fahd received me warmly and thanked me for Americas rapid move to defuse the crisis with IraqIt had been a successful and encouraging visit, but I had to go home to face the election music
B y October, the polls we were getting didnt look too bad, but the atmosphere on the campaign trail still didnt feel goodBefore we left for the Middle East, Hillary had called our old pollster Dick Morris for his assessmentDick took a survey for us and the results were discouragingHe said that most people didnt believe that the economy was getting better or that the deficit was declining; that they didnt know about any of the rolex ladies good things the Democrats and I had done; and that the attacks on Gingrichs contract werent working
My approval rating had risen above 50 percent for the first time in a while, and voters responded positively when told about the family leave law, the 100,000 new police in the crime bill, the education standards and school reform, and our other achievementsDick said we could cut our losses if the Democrats would stop talking about the economy, the deficit, and the contract, and concentrate instead on their popular legislative accomplishmentsAnd he recommended that when I returned to Washington, I should stay off the campaign trail and remain presidential, saying and doing things that would reinforce my higher ratingsMorris believed that would do more to help the Democrats than my plunging back into the political frayNeither recommendation was followed
The Democrats had no mechanism to move a new message quickly into every contested state and congressional district where it would make a difference; though I had done a lot of fund-raising for individual candidates and the House and Senate campaign committees, they had wanted to spend the money in the traditional way
I called back to the White House from the Middle East trip and said I thought that, on my return, I should stay at work and make news rather than go back to the campaign trailWhen I got home I was surprised to find my schedule packed with trips to Pennsylvania, Michigan, Ohio, Rhode Island, New York, Iowa, chanel coin purse Minnesota, California, Washington, and DelawareApparently, when my own poll numbers started rising, Democrats around the country asked that I campaign for themThey had been there for me; now I had to be there for them
While campaigning, I tried to keep emphasizing our shared accomplishments: signing the California Desert Protection Act, which protected 7 million acres of magnificent lands in the wilderness and national park systems; highlighting the large financial benefits of the new direct student-loan program at the University of Michigan; and doing as many radio interviews about our record as I couldBut I also did big rallies with boisterous crowds, where I had to speak loudly to be heardMy campaign riffs were effective for the party faithful, but not for the larger audience who saw them on television; on TV, the hot campaign rhetoric turned a statesman-like President back into the politician the voters werent sure aboutGoing back on the campaign trail, while understandable and perhaps unavoidable, was a mistake
On November 8, we got the living daylights beat out of us, losing eight Senate seats and fifty-four House seats, the largest defeat for our party since 1946, when the Democrats were routed after President Truman tried to get health insurance for all AmericansThe Republicans were rewarded for two years of constant attacks on me and for their solidarity on the contractThe Democrats were punished for too much good government and too little good politicsI had contributed chanel cambon large tote bag to the demise by allowing my first weeks to be defined by gays in the military; by failing to concentrate on the campaign until it was too late; and by trying to do too much too fast in a news climate in which my victories were minimized, my losses were magnified, and the overall impression was created that I was just another pro-tax, big-government liberal, not the New Democrat who had won the presidencyMoreover, the public mood was still anxious; people didnt feel their lives were improving and they were sick of all the fighting in WashingtonApparently they thought divided government would force us to work together
Ironically, I had hurt the Democrats by both my victories and my defeatsThe loss of health care and the passage of NAFTA demoralized many of our base voters and depressed our turnoutThe victories on the economic plan with its tax increases on high-income Americans, the Brady bill, and the assault weapons ban inflamed the Republican base voters and increased their turnoutThe turnout differential alone probably accounted for half of our losses, and contributed to a Republican gain of eleven governorshipsMario Cuomo lost in New York with a miserable Democratic turnoutIn the South, thanks largely to an extraordinary effort by the Christian Coalition, Republicans routinely ran five or six points ahead of their positions in the pre-election pollsBush defeated Governor Ann Richards, despite the fact that she had a 60 percent job approval rating
The NRA had a great buy a chanel bag n
It came to her then more bitterly than ever that...
08:53, 2010-Jan-15
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It came to her then more bitterly than ever that Beth was slowly drifting away form her, and her arms instinctively tightened their hold upon the dearest treasure she possessedFor a minute her eyes were too dim for seeing, and when they cleared, Beth was looking up at her so tenderly that there was hardly any need for her to say, "Jo, dear, I'm glad you know itI've tried to tell you, but I couldn't
There was no answer except her sister's cheek against her own, not even tears, for when most deeply moved, Jo did not cryShe was the weaker then, land Beth tried to comfort and sustain her, with her arms about her and the soothing words she whispered in her ear
"I've known it for a good while, dear, and now I'm used to it, it isn't hard to think of or to bearTry to see it so and don't be troubled about me, because it's best, indeed it is
"Is this what made you so unhappy in the autumn, Beth? You did not feel it then, land keep it to yourself so long, did you?" asked Jo, refusing to see or say that it was best, but glad vintage chanel jewelry to know that Laurie had no part in Beth's trouble
"Yes, I gave up hoping then, but I didn't like to own itI tried to think it was a sick fancy, and would not let it trouble anyoneBut when I saw you all so well and strong and full of happy plans, it was hard to feel that I could never be like you, and then I was miserable, Jo
"Oh, Beth, and you didn't tell me, didn't let me comfort and help you? How could you shut me out, bear it all alone?"
Jo's voice was full of tender reproach, and her heart ached to think of the solitary struggle that must have gone on while Beth learned to say goodbye to health, love, and live, and take up her cross so cheerfully
"Perhaps it was wrong, but I tried to do rightI wasn't sure, no one said anything, and I hoped I was mistakenIt would have
been selfish to frighten you all when Marmee was so anxious about Meg, and Amy away, and you so happy with Laurie--at least I thought so then
"And I thought you loved him, Beth, and I went away because I couldn't," cried Jo, glad to say all chanel quilted cheap handbag the truth
Beth looked so amazed at the idea that Jo smiled in spite of her pain, and added softly, "Then you didn't, dearie? I was afraid it was so, and imagined your poor little heart full of lovelornity all that while
"Why, Jo, how could I, when he was so fond of you?" asked Beth, as innocently as a child"I do love him dearlyHe is so good to me, how can I help It? But he could never be anything to me but my brotherI hope he truly will be, sometime
"Not through me," said Jo decidedly"Amy is left for him, and they would suit excellently, but I have no heart for such things, nowI don't care what becomes of anybody but you, Beth
"I want to, oh, so much! I try, but every day I lose a little, and feel more sure that I shall never gain it backIt's like the tide, Jo, when it turns, it goes slowly, but it can't be stopped
"It shall be stopped, your tide must not turn so soon, nineteen is too young, BethI'll work and pray and fight against itI'll keep you in spite of everythingThere must be ways, it can't be too lateGod ladies cartier watch sales won't be so cruel as to take you from me," cried poor Jo rebelliously, for her spirit was far less piously submissive than Beth's
Simple, sincere people seldom speak much of their pietyIt shows itself in acts rather than in words, and has more influence than homilies or protestationsBeth could not reason upon or explain the faith that gave her courage and patience to give up life, and cheerfully wait for deathLike a confiding child, she asked no questions, but left everything to God and nature, Father and Mother of us all, feeling sure that they, and they only, could teach and strengthen heart and spirit for this life and the life to comeShe did not rebuke Jo with saintly speeches, only loved her better for her passionate affection, and clung more closely to the dear human love, from which our Father never means us to be weaned, but through which He draws us closer to HimselfShe could not say, "I'm glad to go," for life was very sweet for herShe could only sob out, "I try to be willing,"while she held fast to Jo, as gucci tote bag the first bitter wave of this great sorrow broke over them together
By and by Beth said, with recovered serenity, "You'll tell them this when we go home?"
"I think they will see it without words," sighed Jo, for now it seemed to her that Beth changed every dayI've heard that the people who love best are often blindest to such thingsIf they don't see it, you will tell them for meI don't want any secrets, and it's kinder to prepare themMeg has John and the babies to comfort her, but you must stand by Father and Mother, won't you Jo?"
"If I canBut, Beth, I don't give up yetI'm going to believe that it is a sick fancy, and not let you think it's true said Jo, trying to speak cheerfully
Beth lay a minute thinking, and then said in her quiet way, "I don't know how to express myself, and shouldn't try to anyone but you, because I can't speak out except to my JoI only mean to say that I have a feeling that it never was intended I should live longI'm not like the rest of youI never made any plans about what I'd do when I gucci laptop bags grew
He waited for a long time but didn't see them...
11:30, 2010-Jan-12
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He waited for a long time but didn't see them re-appear, and decided they must be lodging there
He returned to his room and as soon as it was dark, he changed into a set of dark clothes, stuck his golden flute into his belt then ran over to the YamenMaking his way round to the back, he clambered over the wall
All was pitch black in the courtyard except for a shaft of light coming from a window in the eastern hall, and as he crept closer, he heard voices coming from insideHe wet the tip of his finger with a drop of saliva, then lightly moistened the window paper and made a small holeLooking through, he started in fright
The hall was full of peopleZhang Zhaozhong was seated in the middle with the bodyguards and Yamen officers on either side of himA man standing with his back to Yu cursed angrily, and he knew from his voice that it was Wen Tailai
"You can curse to your heart's content," a voice off to the side said darkly"I may not be as proficient in the martial arts as you, but you will still get a taste of my hand
Yu was distressed"They are going to humiliate Fourth Brother," he thought"He is the person Fourth Sister respects and loves mostHow can I allow him to be insulted by these villains?"
He saw a tall, thin middleaged man wearing a blue gown advancing on Wen with his hand raisedJust chanel coin purse as the man was about to strike Wen, Yu inserted his flute through the hole in the window paper, and with a puff, shot a small arrow into the man's left eye
The man fell to the ground in agony and there was a moment of confusion in the hallYu shot another arrow into the right cheek of one of the bodyguards, then kicked open the main door of the hall and ran straight in
"Don't move!" he shouted"The Red Flower Society has come to the rescue!"
He raised his flute and struck the Yamen officers beside Wen, then pulled a dagger from his legwrappings and cut the ropes binding Wen's hands and feet
Zhang Zhaozhong thought a largescale attack was in progress and immediately drew his sword and went to the hall door to prevent Wen and Yu from escaping and those outside from getting in
As soon as Wen's hands were free of the bonds, his spirits surgedAn Imperial Bodyguard lunged towards him and Wen struck him hard with his fist, sending him reeling awayThe others were so afraid of Wen's power that for a while they did not dare to get too close to him
"Fourth Brother, let's get out!" Yu said
"Are the others here?"
"No," Yu replied quietlyThe wounds on his right arm and thigh had not yet healed, but he ran for the door with his right arm resting on Yu's shoulder
Zhang strode foward a step"Stop!" he omega watches shouted, and jabbed at Wen's stomach with his long swordWen was slow on his feet, so using attack as his defence, he struck out at his opponent's eyes with the index and middle fingers of his left hand, and Zhang was forced to retract his sword
"Good!" he exclaimedThe two men were incredibly fast, but Wen only had the use of his left arm and after a few more moves, Zhang hit his right shoulderUnable to keep his balance, Wen sat down heavily on the floor
"I shouldn't have done this," Yu thought as he fought off the Imperial Bodyguards"I will save Fourth Brother and then let the Eagle's Claws kill me so that Fourth Sister will know that I, Yu Yutong, am not an unchivalrous oaf
He saw Wen fall to the ground and flipped round to strike out desperately at Zhang
"Fourth Brother, get out quick!" Yu shoutedWen rested a moment and then with difficulty clambered to his feetThe golden flute flew and danced, completely neglecting to defend or parryYu was completely unconcerned about his own safetyEven with his superb swordsmanship, Zhang was forced to move back several paces in the face of his suicidal attackWen saw an opening and shot out of the door, with the mob of the bodyguards and officers howling after him
Yu blocked them at the door, ignoring his own safety
"Don't you want to live?" Zhang shouted"Who tiffany
"Ai-ya! Stop that! I'm very ticklish," he...
09:01, 2010-Jan-11
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"Ai-ya! Stop that! I'm very ticklish," he said
They were all fatal points but Tong seemed unconcernedMeng decided he really didn't know any kung fu"From his accent, he isn't a local," he thought, still suspicious"Could he be a petty thief, I wonder?"
Meng could not detain Tong without authority, so he walked him back towards the gateTong peered about him as they walked through the manor, trying to discover to where Wen and the others wereMeng decided he must be a scout for a gang of thieves
"Be careful, my friend," he said"Remember where you are
Tong looked around in mock awe"Such a big place! It looks like a great templeExcept there's no Buddha
He asked Tong what his business was in the area
Meng escorted him over the drawbridge and laughed coldly"Goodbye friend," he said, clapping Tong heavily on the shoulder"Come and visit us again sometime
The pain from the blow went straight to Tong's marrowSwearing profusely, he found his horse and galloped back to the Antong Inn in SandaogouAs he entered the room, he saw Master Zhang, Officer Wu and the agency men together with seven or eight men he didn't knowThey were in the midst of a discussion on where Wen Tailai might have escaped toNo one could think of an answer, and their faces gucci tote bag were gloomy
Tong smugly related how he had followed Wen, naturally omitting the part about his encounter with Meng
Zhang was delighted"Let's go," he said, adding with uncustomary warmth: "Brother Tong, you lead the way
The whole group immediately set out for Iron Gall Manor, rubbing their hands in anticipation as they wentTong boasted extravagantly of how he had used Lightness kung fu, and of the risks he had taken in tracking Wen"This is an assignment from the Emperor himself, so Uncle Tong went all out against the renegades," he said
Officer Wu, who had already employed a bone-setter to help mend his fractured shoulder, hurriedly introduced Tong to the newcomersTong started in fright as he heard their names: they were all top fighters employed by the court, famous martial arts specialists, both Manchu and Chinese, who had come specifically to arrest Wen Tailai
** 8 **
Lu Feiqing galloped westwards, braving strong winds which whipped his facePassing through Black Gold Gorge, he noticed the blood spilled during the previous day's battle had already been washed away by the rainHe covered about twenty miles in one stretch and arrived at a small market fairAlthough the sky was growing dark, he was impatient to continue on his way but his horse chanel black bucket tote bag was exhaustedAs he considered what to do, he saw a Muslim at the edge of the fair leading two large, well-fed horses and looking around as if waiting for someone
Lu went over and asked if he could buy one of themThe Muslim shook his headLu reached into his cloth bundle and took out a large silver ingot, but the Muslim shook his head againAnxious and impatient, Lu turned the bundle upside down and six or seven more silver ingots fell out: he offered them allThe Muslim waved his hand to indicate the horse was definitely not for sale, and Lu dejectedly began to put the ingots back into his bundleAs he did so, the Muslim glimpsed a dart amongst the ingots, which he picked up and examined closelyIt was the dart Huo Qingtong had thrown at Lu after he followed her to the Muslim camp siteHe asked where the dart came fromIn a flash of inspiration, Lu said Huo Qingtong was his friend and that she had given the dart to himThe Muslim nodded, placed the dart back in Lu's hand and passed over the reins of one of the horsesDelighted, Lu pulled out an ingot of silver again, but the Muslim waved his hand in refusal and walked away
"I would never have guessed that such a flower of a girl would have such great influence among the Muslims," Lu thought
He rode off, watch chanel j12 black with diamonds and in the next town, came across more MuslimsHe pulled out the dart and was immediately able to trade his mount for another strong horse
Lu continued to change horses the whole way and, eating dry provisions as he rode, he covered two hundred miles in a day and a nightTowards evening on the second day, he arrived at AnxiLu was a man of great strength, but he was getting on in years, and galloping for so long without rest had exhausted himAs soon as he entered the city, he took out the red flower Wen had given him and stuck it in his lapelOnly a few steps later, two men in short jackets appeared in front of him, saluted and invited him to accompany them to a restaurantOnce there, one of the men sat with him while the other excused himself and leftLu's companion was extremely courteous, and ordered food and wine without asking any questions
After three cups of wine, another man hurried in, came over to them and saluted with his fistsLu quickly stood up and returned the saluteThe man, aged about thirty, wore an ordinary gownHe asked Lu for his name and Lu told him
"So you are Master Lu of the Wudang School," the man said"We have often heard our Third Brother Zhao speak of youI have great admiration for youOur meeting today is very auspicious
"What ladies omega watches is your honourable name?" Lu asked
"Please take a seat, sir," Lu's first companion saidHe saluted both Lu and Wei, and then left
"Our Society's Young Helmsman and many of our brothers are here in Anxi," said Wei"If we had known you were coming, they would certainly have all been here to greet youIn a moment, if you don't mind, we will go and everyone can pay their respects to you
They left the restaurant and rode out of the city
"You have met our Fourth Brother Wen Tailai and his wife," Wei saidHow did you know?"
"The flower you are wearing is Brother Wen'sIt has four green leaves
Lu was surprised at how openly Wei talked about their society's secret signs, treating him not in the slightest like an outsider
After a while, they arrived at an imposing Taoist monastery surrounded by tall, ancient treesOver the main gate was a wooden tablet inscribed with four large characters: "Jade Nothingness Taoist Monastery"Two Taoist priests standing in front of the monastery bowed respectfullyWei invited Lu inside, and a young apprentice priest brought teaWei whispered in his ear, and the apprentice nodded and went insideLu was just about to raise his cup when he heard someone in the inner hall shout: "Brother Lu! I've been worried to death about cheap louis vuitton replicas yo
His sense of humor reminded me of Mother Teresas...
07:54, 2010-Jan-11
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His sense of humor reminded me of Mother Teresas famous observation that she knew God would never give her a heavier burden than she could carry, but sometimes she wished He didnt have so much confidence in herI returned to Washington to do an interview with Larry King on the first anniversary of the start of my presidency, telling him that I liked my job, even on the bad daysAfter all, I hadnt signed up to have a good time, but to change the country
A few days later, President Assads eldest son, whom he had groomed to succeed him, was killed in a car accidentWhen I called to express my condolences, Assad was obviously heartbroken, a reminder that the worst thing that can happen in life is losing a child
That week I named the deputy secretary of defense, Bill Perry, to succeed Les Aspin, who had resigned as secretary not long after the day of Black Hawk DownWe had conducted an exhaustive search, and all the while the best candidate had been right under our nosesPerry had led several defense-related organizations, been a professor of mathematics and engineering, and done a superb job at the Pentagon, promoting Stealth technology, procurement reform, and realistic budgetingHe was a soft-spoken, modest man whose demeanor disguised a surprising toughnessHe would turn out to be one of my best appointments, probably the finest secretary of defense since General George Marshall
On the twenty-fifth, I gave my State of the Union addressIts the only time in a year when a President gets the chance to speak to the American people, unfiltered, for a whole hour, and I wanted to make the most of itAfter a tribute to the late House Speaker Tip ONeill, who had died the day before Mother, I summarized the long list of congressional achievements in 1993, saying that the economy was producing jobs; that millions of Americans had saved money by refinancing their homes at lower rates; that only 1 percent of the American people had had their income taxes increased; that the deficit would be 40 percent lower than previously predicted; and that we would reduce the federal payrolls by more than 250,000 instead of the 100,000 I had previously promised
The rest of the speech was an outline of my 1994 agenda, beginning with educationI asked Congress to pass my Goals 2000 initiative to help public schools reach the national education goals the governors and the Bush administration had given the country, through reforms like school choice, charter schools, and connecting all our schools to the Internet by 2000; and to measure tiffany style necklace schools progress toward reaching the goals the old-fashioned way, by whether our students were learning what they needed to know
I also asked for more investments in new job-creating technologies and defense conversion projects; urged passage of the crime bill and a ban on assault weapons; and promoted three environmental laws: a Safe Drinking Water Act, a revitalized Clean Water Act, and a reformed Superfund programThe Superfund was a public/private partnership to clean up polluted sites that had been abandoned and had become ugly, unusable health hazardsIt was important to me and to Al Gore, and by the time we left office we had cleaned up three times as many Superfund sites as the Reagan and Bush administrations combined
I then asked Congress to pass both welfare reform and health-care reform in 1994One million people were on the welfare rolls because it was the only way they could get health care for their childrenWhen people left welfare for low-wage jobs without benefits, they were in the incredible position of paying taxes to support the Medicaid program, which provided health care for families that had stayed on welfareAt some time during each year, nearly sixty million Americans found themselves without health insuranceMore than eighty million Americans had pre-existing conditions, health problems that meant they were paying more for insurance, if they could get it, and often couldnt change jobs without losing itThree out of four Americans had policies with lifetime limits on how much of their health-care costs would be covered, meaning they could lose their insurance just when they needed it mostThe system hurt small businesses, too; their premiums were 35 percent higher than those paid by large businesses and governmentTo control costs, more and more Americans were being forced into health maintenance organizations, which restricted patients in their choice of a doctor, and doctors in their choice of care, and forced health-care professionals to spend more and more time on paperwork and less on their patientsAll these problems were rooted in one fundamental fact: we had a crazy-quilt pattern of coverage in which insurance companies called the shots
I told the Congress I knew it was hard to change the systemRoosevelt, Truman, Nixon, and Carter had all tried and failedThe effort virtually destroyed Trumans presidency, driving his approval ratings below 30 percent and helping the Republicans gain control of the CongressThis happened because, for all our problems, most Americans had some kind of purple fendi bags coverage, liked their doctors and hospitals, and knew we had a good system of health-care deliveryAll those things were still trueThose who profited from the way health care was financed were spending huge sums to convince the Congress and the people that fixing what was wrong with the health-care system would destroy what it did right
I thought my argument was effective except for one thing: at the end of the health-care portion of the speech, I held up a pen and said I would use it to veto any bill that didnt guarantee health insurance to all AmericansI did it because a couple of my advisors had said that people wouldnt think I had the strength of my convictions unless I demonstrated that I wouldnt compromiseIt was an unnecessary red flag to my opponents in CongressPolitics is about compromise, and people expect Presidents to win, not posture for themHealth-care reform was the hardest of all hills to climbI couldnt do it alone, without compromiseAs it turned out, my error didnt matter, because Bob Dole would decide to kill any health-care reform
In the short run, the State of the Union speech dramatically increased public support for my agendaNewt Gingrich later said to me that after hearing the speech, he told the House Republicans that if I could persuade the congressional Democrats to deliver on my proposals, our party would be in the majority for a long timeNewt sure didnt want that, so, like Bob Dole, he would try to keep as much from happening before the midterm elections as possible
In the last week of January, we had a heated debate with our foreign policy team over whether to grant a visa to Gerry Adams, leader of Sinn Fein, the political arm of the Irish Republican ArmyAmerica had great significance to both sides in the Irish conflictFor years, ardent American supporters of the IRA had provided funds for its violent activitiesSinn Fein had a larger number of partisans here among Irish Catholics who disowned terrorism but wanted to see an end to discrimination against their co-religionists and more political autonomy, with Catholic participation, in Northern IrelandThe British and the Irish Protestants had their supporters, too, who deplored any dealings with Sinn Fein because of its ties to the IRA, and who believed that we had no business meddling in the affairs of the United Kingdom, our strongest allyThat argument had carried the day with all my predecessors, including those sympathetic to the legitimate grievances of Northern Irelands CatholicsNow, with the Declaration of Principles, we had gucci laptop bags to revisit it
In the declaration, for the first time ever, the UK pledged that the status of Northern Ireland would be determined by the wishes of its citizens, and Ireland renounced its historic claim to the six counties in the north until a majority of its people voted to change its statusThe more moderate Unionist and Irish Nationalist parties were cautiously supportive of the agreementThe Reverend Ian Paisley, leader of the extreme Democratic Unionist Party, was outraged by itGerry Adams and Sinn Fein said they were disappointed because the principles lacked specificity as to how the peace process would operate and how Sinn Fein would be able to participate in itNotwithstanding the ambiguous responses, the British and Irish governments clearly had created pressure on all the parties to work with them for peace
From the time the declaration was issued, Adamss allies in America had been asking me to grant him a visa to visit the United StatesThey said it would increase his standing and his ability to get involved in the process and to press the IRA toward giving up violenceJohn Hume, leader of the moderate Social Democratic and Labour Party, who had built a career on nonviolent action, said he had changed his position on giving Adams a visa; he now thought it would advance the peace processA number of Irish-American activists agreed, including my friend Bruce Morrison, who had organized our outreach to the Irish-American community in 1992, and our ambassador to Ireland, Jean Kennedy SmithThere was support in Congress from her brother, Senator Ted Kennedy; Senators Chris Dodd, Pat Moynihan, and John Kerry; and New York congressmen Peter King and Tom MantonHouse Speaker Tom Foley, who had long been active in Irish issues, remained strongly opposed to the visa
In early January, Irish prime minister Albert Reynolds informed us that, like John Hume, he now favored granting the visa because Adams was working for peace, and he felt the visa would give him leverage to move the IRA away from violence and into the peace processThe British government remained vehemently opposed to the visa, because of the long history of IRA terror and because Adams had neither renounced violence nor embraced the Declaration of Principles as the basis for settling the problem
I told Albert Reynolds I would consider a visa if Adams had a formal invitation to speak in the United StatesShortly afterward, Adams, along with the leaders of Northern Irelands other parties, was invited to participate in a peace conference in New York men's rolex watch hosted by an American foreign policy groupThis put the visa question front and center, where it became the first important issue on which my foreign policy advisors couldnt reach a consensus
Warren Christopher and the State Department, including our ambassador to Great Britain, Ray Seitz, were strongly opposed to issuing the visa, arguing that since Adams wouldnt renounce violence, it would make us look soft on terrorism and that it could do irreparable damage to our vaunted special relationship with Great Britain, including our ability to secure British cooperation on Bosnia and other important mattersThe Justice Department, the FBI, and the CIA agreed with StateTheir unanimous opinion was entitled to great weight
Three people were working the Irish issue at the National Security Council: Tony Lake, NSC staff director Nancy Soderberg, and our European affairs person, Army Major Jane HollWith my support, they were taking an independent look at the visa question, while trying to reach a consensus position with the State Department, working through Undersecretary Peter TarnoffThe NSC team became convinced that Adams favored an end to IRA violence, full participation by Sinn Fein in the peace process, and a democratic future for Northern IrelandTheir analysis made senseThe Irish were beginning to prosper economically, Europe as a whole was moving toward greater economic and political integration, and tolerance for terrorism among the Irish had droppedOn the other hand, the IRA was a tough nut to crack, full of hard men who had built a life on hatred of the British and the Ulster Unionists, and for whom the idea of peaceful coexistence and continuing to be a part of the UK was anathemaSince the population of the northern counties was about 10 percent more Protestant than Catholic, and the Declaration of Principles committed both Ireland and the UK to a democratic future based on majority rule, Northern Ireland was likely to remain a part of the UK for some time to comeAdams understood that, but he also knew that terror wouldnt bring victory and he seemed genuine when he said he wanted the IRA to give it up in return for an end to discrimination against and isolation of Catholics
Based on this analysis, the NSC determined that we should grant the visa, because it would boost Adamss leverage within Sinn Fein and the IRA, while increasing American influence with himThat was important, because unless the IRA renounced violence and Sinn Fein became a part of the peace process, the Irish problem could not be chanel lookalike bags cheap resol
Why did my wand break the wand he borrowed?" "As...
08:22, 2010-Jan-8
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Why did my wand break the wand he borrowed?"
"As to that, I cannot be sure
"Have a guess, then," said Harry, and Dumbledore laughed
"What you must understand, Harry, is that you and Lord Voldemort have journeyed together into realms of magic hitherto unknown and untestedBut here is what
I think happened, and it is unprecedented, and no wandmaker could, I think, ever have predicted or explained it to Voldemort
"Without meaning to, as you now know, Lord Voldemort doubled the bond between you when he returned to a human formA part of his soul was still attached to yours, and, thinking to strengthen himself, he took a part of your mother's sacrafice into himselfIf he could only have understood the precise and terrible power of that sacrifice, he would not, perhaps, have dared to touch your bloodBut then, if he had been able to understand, he could not be Lord Voldemort, and might never have murdered at all
"Having ensured this two-fold connection, having wrapped your destinies together more securely than ever two wizards were joined in history, Voldemort proceeded to attack you with a wand that shared a core with yoursAnd now something very strange happened, as we knowThe cores reacted in a way that Lord Voldemort, who never knew that your wand was a twin of his, had ever expected
"He was more afraid than you were that night, HarryYou had accepted, even prada evening bags embraced, the possibility of death, something Lord Voldemort has never been able to doYour courage won, your wand overpowered hisAnd in doing so, something happened between those wands, something that echoed the relationship between their masters
"I believe that your wand imbibed some of the power and qualities of Voldemort's wand that night, which is to say that it contained a little of Voldemort himselfSo your wand recognized him when he pursued you, recognized a man who was both kin and mortal enemy, and it regurgitated some of his own magic against him, magic much more powerful than anything Lucius's wand had ever performedYour wand now contained the power of your enormous courage and of Voldemort's own deadly skill: What chance did that poor stick of Lucius Malfoy's stand?"
"But if my wand was so powerful, how come Hermione was able to break it?" asked Harry
"My dear boy, its remarkable effects were directed only at Voldemort, who had tampered so ill-advisedly with the deepest laws of magicOnly toward him was that wand abnormally powerfulOtherwise it was a wand like any other though a good one, I am sure," Dumbledore finished kindly
Harry sat in thought for a long time, or perhaps secondsIt was very hard to be sure of things like time, here
"He killed me with your wand
"He \ifailed\i to kill you with my wand," Dumbledore corrected Harry"I think we can ladies omega watches agree that you are not dead - though, of course," he added, as if fearing he had been discourteous, "I do not minimize your sufferings, which I am sure were severe
"I feel great at the moment, though," said Harry, looking down at his clean, unblemished hands"Where are we, exactly?"
"Well, I was going to ask you that," said Dumbledore, looking around"Where would you say that we are?"
Until Dumbledore had asked, Harry had not knownNow, however, he found that he had an answer ready to give
"It looks," he said slowly, "like King's Cross stationExcept a lo cleaner and empty, and there are no trains as far as I can see
"King's Cross station!" Dumbledore was chuckling immoderately"Good gracious, really?"
"Well, where do you think we are?" asked Harry, a little defensively
"My dear boy, I have no ideaThis is, as they say, \iyour\i party
Harry had no idea what this meant; Dumbledore was being infuriatingHe glared at him, then remembered a much more pressing question than that of their current location
"The Deathly Hallows," he said, and he was glad to see that the words wiped the smile from Dumbledore's faceHe even looked a little worried
"Well?"
For the first time since Harry had met Dumbledore, he looked less than an old man, much lessHe looked fleetingly like a small boy caught in wrongdoing
"Can you forgive me?" he said"Can you forgive me for not ladies vintage cartier watches trusting you? For not telling you? Harry, I only feared that you would fail as I had failedI only dreaded that you would make my mistakesI crave your pardon, HarryI have known, for some time now, that you are the better man
"What are you talking about?" asked Harry, startled by Dumbledore's tone, by the sudden tears in his eyes
"The Hallows, the Hallows," murmured Dumbledore"A desperate man's dream!"
"But they're real!"
"Real, and dangerous, and a lure for fools," said Dumbledore"And I was such a foolBut you know, don't you? I have no secrets from you anymore
"What do I know?"
Dumbledore turned his whole body to face Harry, and tears still sparkled in the brilliantly blue eyes
"Master of death, Harry, master of Death! Was I better, ultimately, than Voldemort?"
"Of course you were," said Harry"Of course - how can you ask that? You never killed if you could avoid it!"
"True, true," said Dumbledore, and he was like a child seeking reassurance"Yet I too sought a way to conquer death, Harry
"Not the way he did," said HarryAfter all his anger at Dumbledore, how odd it was to sit here, beneath the high, vaulted ceiling, and defend Dumbledore from himself"Hallows, not Horcruxes
"Hallows," murmured Dumbledore, "not HorcruxesThe creature behind them whimpered, but Harry no longer looked around
"Grindelwald was looking for them too?" he asked
Dumbledore closed his black prada bag eyes for a moment and nodded
"It was the thing, above all, that drew us together," he said quietly"Two clever, arrogant boys with a shared obsessionHe wanted to come to Godric's Hollow, as I am sure you have guessed, because of the grave of Ignotus PeverellHe wanted to explore the place the third brother had died
"So it's true?" asked Harry"All of it? The Peverell brothers -"
"\a151were the three brothers of the tale," said Dumbledore, noddingWhether they met Death on a lonely road I think it more likely that the
Peverell brothers were simply gifted, dangerous wizards who succeeded in creating those powerful objectsThe story of them being Death's own Hallows seems to me the sort of legend that might have sprung up around such creations
"The Cloak, as you know now, traveled down through the ages, father to son, mother to daughter, right down to Ignotus's last living descendant, who was born, as Ignotus was, in the village of Godric's Hollow
Dumbledore smiled at HarryYou have guessed,, I know, why the Cloak was in my possession on the night your parents diedJames had showed it to me just a few days previouslyIt explained much of his undetected wrongdoing at school! I could hardly believe what I was seeingI asked to borrow it, to examine itI had long since given up my dream of uniting the Hallows, but I could not resist, could not help taking a closer rolex fakes loo
In the midst of all the absurdity, we were...
02:49, 2010-Jan-6
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In the midst of all the absurdity, we were laughing again, brought back together by our weekly counseling and our shared determination to fight off the right-wing coupI almost wound up being grateful to my tormentors: they were probably the only people who could have made me look good to Hillary againI even got off the couch
During the long year between the deposition in the Jones case and my acquittal in the Senate, on most of the nights when I was home in the White House I spent two to three hours alone in my office, reading the Bible and books on faith and forgiveness, and rereading The Imitation of Christ by Thomas?Kempis, the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, and several of the most thoughtful letters I had received, including a series of mini-sermons from Rabbi Menachem Genack of Englewood, New JerseyI was particularly affected by Seventy Times Seven, a book about forgiveness by Johann Christoph Arnold, the elder of Bruderhof, a Christian community with members in the northeastern United States and in England
I still have poems, prayers, and quotations that people sent me or put into my hand at public eventsAnd I have two stones with the New Testament verse John 8:7 inscribed on themIn what many people believe was Jesus last encounter with his critics, the Pharisees, they brought to him a woman caught in the act of adultery and said the law of Moses commanded them to stone her to deathThey taunted Jesus: What sayest thou? Instead of answering, Jesus leaned over and wrote on the ground with his finger, as if he had not heard themWhen they continued to ask, he stood and said: He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at herThose who heard him, being convicted by their own conscience, went out one by one, beginning at the eldest, even unto the lastWhen Jesus was alone with the woman, he asked her, Where are those thine accusers? hath no man condemned thee? She answered, No man, Lord, and Jesus replied, Neither do I condemn thee
I had had a lot of stones cast at me, and through my own self-inflicted wounds I had been exposed to the whole worldIn some ways it was liberating; I had nothing more to hideAnd as I tried to understand why I had made my own mistakes, I also attempted to figure out why my adversaries were so consumed with hatred, and so willing to say and do things inconsistent with their professed chanel body jewelry moral convictionsI had always looked with a jaundiced eye at other peoples attempts to psychoanalyze me, but it did seem to me that many of my bitterest critics among the Far Right political and religious groups and the most judgmental members of the press had sought safety and security in positions where they could judge and not be judged, hurt and not be hurt
My sense of my own mortality and human frailty and the unconditional love Id had as a child had spared me the compulsion to judge and condemn othersAnd I believed my personal flaws, no matter how deep, were far less threatening to our democratic government than the power lust of my accusersIn late January, I had received a moving letter from Bill Ziff of New York, a businessman Id never met but whose son was a friend of mineHe said that he was sorry for the pain Hillary and I had endured but that much good had come of it, because the Americans people had shown maturity and judgment in seeing through the demonizing mullahs in our midstThough it was never your intention, you have done more to expose their underlying agenda than any President in history, including Roosevelt
Whatever the motives of my adversaries, it became clear, on those solitary nights in my upstairs office, that if I wanted compassion from others, I needed to show it, even to those who didnt respond in kindBesides, what did I have to complain about? I would never be a perfect person, but Hillary was laughing again, Chelsea was still doing well at Stanford, I was still doing a job I loved, and spring was on the way
O n February 19, a week after the Senate vote, I gave the first posthumous pardon ever granted by a President, to Henry Flipper, the first black graduate of West Point, who, because of his race, had been wrongfully convicted of conduct unbecoming an officer 117 years earlierSuch actions by a President may seem unimportant compared with the power of current events, but correcting historical mistakes matters, not only to the descendants of those who were wronged but to us all
In the last week of the month, Paul Begala announced his departure from the White HouseI had relished having Paul there, because he had been with me since New Hampshire and he was smart, funny, combative, and effectiveHe also had small children who deserved more time with their fatherPaul had stuck with me through the impeachment coco chanel leather handbags battle; now he needed to leave
The only news out of Whitewater World was the lopsided vote of the American Bar Association, 38449, on a resolution calling for the repeal of the independent counsel law, and a news report saying the Justice Department was investigating whether Kenneth Starr had deceived Janet Reno about his offices involvement with the Jones case and about the reasons he gave her for adding the Lewinsky matter to his jurisdiction
March began with the announcement that after months of complex negotiations, the administration had succeeded in preserving the largest unprotected stand of old-growth redwoods in the world, the Headwaters Forest in northern CaliforniaThe next week I took a four-day trip to Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala to highlight a new era of democratic cooperation in a region in which, not long before, America had supported repressive regimes with horrible human rights records as long as they were anti-CommunistViewing the aftermath of natural disasters that American troops were helping with, speaking to the parliament in El Salvador, where recent adversaries in a bloody civil war now sat together in peace, apologizing for Americas past actions in Guatemalaall these seemed to me to be signs of a new era of democratic progress I was committed to support
By the time I returned, we were moving toward another Balkan war, this time in KosovoThe Serbs had launched an offensive against rebellious Kosovar Albanians a year earlier, killing many innocent people; some women and children were burned in their own homesThe last round of Serb aggression had sparked another exodus of refugees and had increased the desire of Kosovar Albanians for independenceThe killings were all too reminiscent of the early days of Bosnia, which, like Kosovo, bridged the divide between European Muslims and Serb Orthodox Christians, a dividing line along which there had been conflict from time to time for six hundred years
In 1974, Tito had given Kosovo autonomy, allowing it self-government and control over its schoolsIn 1989, Milosevic had taken autonomy awayThe tensions had been rising ever since, and had exploded after the independence of Bosnia was secured in 1995I was determined not to allow Kosovo to become another BosniaSo was Madeleine Albright
By April 1998, the United Nations had imposed an arms prada bags handbags embargo, and the United States and its allies had imposed economic sanctions on Serbia for its failure to end the hostilities and begin a dialogue with the Kosovar AlbaniansBy the middle of June, NATO had begun to plan for a range of military options to end the violenceAs summer came, Dick Holbrooke was back in the region to try to find a diplomatic solution for the standoff
In mid-July, Serb forces again attacked armed and unarmed Kosovars, beginning a summer of aggression that would force 300,000 more Kosovar Albanians to leave their homesIn late September, the UN Security Council had passed another resolution demanding an end to hostilities, and at months end we sent Holbrooke on yet another mission to Belgrade to try to reason with Milosevic
On October 13, NATO had threatened to attack Serbia within four days unless the UN resolutions were observedThe air strikes were delayed when four thousand Yugoslav special police officers were withdrawn from KosovoThings got better for a while, but in January 1999 the Serbs were killing innocents in Kosovo again, and NATO air strikes seemed inevitableWe decided to try diplomacy one more time, but I wasnt optimisticThe parties objectives were far apartThe United States and NATO wanted Kosovo to have the political autonomy it had enjoyed under the Yugoslav constitution between 1974 and 1989, until Milosevic took it away, and we wanted a NATO-led peacekeeping force to guarantee the peace and the safety of Kosovos civilians, including the Serb minorityMilosevic wanted to keep control of Kosovo, and was opposed to any foreign troop deployments thereThe Kosovar Albanians wanted independenceThey were also divided among themselvesIbrahim Rugova, the head of the shadow government, was a soft-spoken man with a penchant for wearing a scarf around his neckI was convinced we could make a peace agreement with him, but not so sure about the other main Kosovar faction, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), led by a young man named Hacim ThaciThe KLA wanted independence and believed it could actually go toe-to-toe with the Serbian army
The parties met at Rambouillet, France, on February 6, to work out the details of an agreement that would restore autonomy, protect the Kosovars from oppression with a NATO-led operation, disarm the KLA, and allow the Serb army to continue to patrol the borderMadeleine Albright and wholesale sterling jewelry chanel her British counterpart, Robin Cook, pursued this policy aggressivelyAfter a week of negotiations coordinated by UAmbassador Chris Hill and his counterparts from the European Union and Russia, Madeleine found that our position was opposed by both sides: the Serbs didnt want to agree to a NATO peacekeeping force, and the Kosovars didnt want to agree to accept autonomy unless they were also guaranteed a referendum on independenceAnd the KLA werent happy about having to disarm, partly because they werent sure they could rely on the NATO forces to protect themOur team decided to write the agreement in a way that would delay the referendum but not deny it forever
On February 23, the Kosovar Albanians, including Thaci, accepted the agreement in principle, returned home to sell it to their people, and in mid-March traveled to Paris to sign the finished documentThe Serbs boycotted the ceremony, as forty thousand Serbian troops massed in and around Kosovo and Milosevic said again that he would never agree to foreign troops on Yugoslavian soilI sent Dick Holbrooke back to see him one last time, but even Dick couldnt budge him
On March 23, after Holbrooke left Belgrade, NATO Secretary-General Javier Solana, with my full support, directed General Wes Clark to begin air strikesOn the same day, by a bipartisan majority of 5841, the Senate voted to support the actionEarlier in the month, the House had voted 219191 to support sending Utroops to Kosovo if there was a peace agreementAmong the prominent Republicans voting for the proposal were the new Speaker, Dennis Hastert, and Henry HydeWhen Congressman Hyde said America should stand up against Milosevic and ethnic cleansing, I smiled and thought to myself that maybe DrJekyll was in there somewhere after all
While a majority of Congress and all our NATO allies favored the air strikes, Russia did notPrime Minister Yevgeny Primakov was on his way to the United States to meet with Al GoreWhen Al notified him that a NATO attack on Yugoslavia was imminent, Primakov ordered his plane to turn around and take him back to Moscow
On the twenty-fourth, I spoke to the American people about what I was doing and whyI explained that Milosevic had stripped the Kosovars of their autonomy, denying them their constitutionally guaranteed rights to speak their own language, run their own schools, and govern buying chanel bags themselv
9. It should be possible also to provide by the
11:30, 2010-Jan-3
.. Link
9. It should be possible also to provide by the end of July a
striking force for amphibious warfare of six divisions, of which
two should be armoured. The various alternative plans for the
employment of such a force are being studied.
* * * * *
Meanwhile, Mr. Eden was on his journey. He ?was deeply impressed with the
rapid progress in recent work on the defences of Gibraltar,? which he said had
?been driven forward with energy, determination, and ingenuity.? The morale
of the troops was high and the garrison confident. He was more anxious about
the position at Malta, and pressed for at least another battalion and a battery
of twenty-five-pounders, together, of course, with continued air
reinforcements. The Governor, General Dobbie, thought it important that an
offensive policy which would provoke retaliation should be avoided at Malta
until April, 1941, by which time the various programmes of reinforcement in
aircraft and anti-aircraft guns would be fulfilled.
On the 15th, Mr. Eden reached Cairo. He held searching discussions with
Generals Wavell and Maitland-Wilson, who commanded the Desert Army.
497
There was good confidence about repelling an Italian offensive. General
Wilson estimated that the maximum strength the Italians could deploy against
Matruh was three divisions, the limiting factors being maintenance, particularly
water, and communications. Against this he had the 7th Armoured Division,
with its newly arrived tank regiments, the 4th Indian Division, the Matruh
garrison of five rifle battalions, a machine-gun battalion, and eight or nine
batteries. The 16th British Brigade Group and the New Zealand Brigade Group
had arrived from Palestine. An Australian Brigade Group lay west of
Alexandria; a second Australian brigade was moving thither. There was also a
Polish brigade. The concentration of these forces, wrote Eden, was considered
by General Wilson to be sufficient to meet the threat of the enemy and to
enable him to defeat it, provided he was assured of adequate air support.
Eden added that inundations for which I had asked had been carried out and
anti-tank obstacles created. He sent a lengthy list of requirements, particularly
aircraft. This last was easier asked for than given at the time when the
bombing of London was rising to its peak. He urged that a company of ?I?
tanks should be included in the November convoy, destination Port Soudan, in
order to and the Colonies [Lord Lloydstandard
and accepted parity with America. How about the Army? How about the air
force? For the land and air defence forces England needs above all men, not
merely money, but also the lives of her citizens for Empire defence. Indeed,
of the eleven thousand men needed for the new air programme, seven
thousand are lacking. Again, the small Regular Army shows a large
deficiency, about one whole division, and the Territorial Army (a sort of
Sunday-School for amateur soldiers) is so far below its authorised numbers
that it cannot in any way be considered an effective combatant force. Mr.
Baldwin himself said a short time ago that he had no intention of changing
the system of recruiting by the introduction of conscription.
144
A policy which seeks to achieve success by postponing decisions can today
hardly hope to resist the whirlwind which is shaking Europe and indeed the
whole world. Few are the men who, upon national and not upon party
grounds, rage against the spinelessness and ambiguous attitude of the
Government, and hold them responsible for the dangers into which the
Empire is being driven all unaware. The masses seem to agree with the
Government that the situation will improve by marking time, and that by
means of small adjustments and carefully thought -out manoeuvres the
balance can once again be rectified.
Today all Abyssinia is irrevocably, fully, and finally Italian alone. This being
so, neither Geneva nor London can have any doubt that only the use of
extraordinary force can drive the Italians out of Abyssinia. But neither the
power nor the courage to use force is at hand.
All this was only too true. His Majesty's Government had imprudently advanced to
champion a great world cause. They had led fifty nations forward with much brave
language. Confronted with brute facts Mr. Baldwin had recoiled. Their policy had for a long
time been designed to give satisfaction to powerful elements of opinion at home rather
than to seek the realities of the European situation. By estranging Italy they had upset the
whole balance of Europe and gained nothing for Abyssinia. They had led the League of
Nations into an utter fiasco, most damaging if not fatally injurious to its effective life as an
institution.
145
A New Atmosphere in Britain ? Hitler Free to Strike ? Ratification of the Franco -Soviet Pact
? The Rhineland and the Treaties of Versailles and Locarno ? Hitler Reoccupies the
Rhineland, March 7 ? French Hesitation ? Flafrom Malta will hamper the
sending of further reinforcements ? Italian or German ? from
Europe into Africa.
18. All this might be put effectively in train by October 1,
provided we are allowed the time. If not, we must do what we
can. All trained or Regular units, whether fully equipped or not,
must be used in defence of the Delta. All armed white men and
also Indian or foreign units must be used for internal security.
The Egyptian Army must be made to play its part in support of
the Delta front, thus leaving only riotous crowds to be dealt with
in Egypt proper.
Pray let the above be implemented and be ready to discuss it in
detail with me at 4.30 P.M., August 16.
With this General Wavell returned to Cairo in the third week of August.
* * * * *
I now have to record a small but at the time vexatious military episode. The
Italians, using vastly superior forces, drove us out of Somaliland. This story
requires to be told.
Until December, 1939, our policy in a war with Italy was to evacuate
Somaliland; but in that month General Ironside, C.I.G.S., declared for defence
of the territory, and in the last resort to hold Berbera. Defences were to be
prepared to defend the Tug Argen Gap through the hills. One British battalion
(the Black Watch), two Indian, and two East African battalions, with the
Somaliland Camel Corps and one African light battery, with small detachments
of anti-tank and anti-aircraft units, were gathered by the beginning of August.
General Wavell on July 21 telegraphed to the War Office that withdrawal
without fighting would be disastrous for our influence, and that Somaliland
might be a valuable base for further offensive action. Fighting began during
his visit to London, and he told the Middle East Ministerial Committee that,
although the strategic disadvantages of the loss of Somaliland would be slight,
it would be a blow to our prestige.
The Italians entered British Somaliland on August 3 with three battalions of
423
Italian infantry, fourteen of colonial infantry, two groups of pack artillery, and
detachments of medium tanks, light tanks, and armoured cars. These large
forces advanced upon us on August 10, and a new British commander,
General Godwin Austen, arrived on the night of the 11th. In his instructions he
had been told, ?Your task is to prevent any Italian advance beyond the main
position? . You will take the necessary steps for withdrawal if necessary.?
Fighting took place on the 12th and 13th,factories, but if our air
defence is so strong that enemy can only come on dark nights
precision will not be easy. I therefore feel solid confidence in
British ability to continue the war, defend the island and the
Empire, and maintain the blockade.
I do not know whether it will be possible to keep France in the
war or not. I hope they will, even at the worst, maintain a
gigantic guerrilla. We are reconstituting the B.E.F. out of other
units.
We must be careful not to let Americans view too complacently
Prime Minister to Mr. Mackenzie King.
5.VI.40.
148
prospect of a British collapse, out of which they would get the
British Fleet and the guardianship of the British Empire, minus
Great Britain. If United States were in the war and England
[were All should be on a voluntary basis, the Government contenting itself
with giving advice, and leaving the rest to local effort. In these areas, which
comprise at least seven-eighths of the United Kingdom, gas-masks should be
kept at home and only carried in the target areas as scheduled. There is
really no reason why orders to this effect should not be given during the
coming week.
* * * * *
The disasters which had occurred in Poland and the Baltic States made me all the more
anxious to keep Italy out of the war, and to build up by every possible means some
365
common interest between us. In the meantime the war went on, and I was busy over a
number of administrative matters.
In spite of having a full day's work usually here, I cannot help feeling
anxious about the Home Front. You know my views about the needless, and
in most parts of the country senseless, severities of these black-outs,
entertainment restrictions and the rest. But what about petrol? Have the
Navy failed to bring in the supplies? Are there not more supplies on the
water approaching and probably arriving than would have been ordered had
peace remained unbroken? I am told that very large numbers of people and
a large part of the business of the country is hampered by the stinting.
Surely the proper way to deal with this is to have a ration at the standard
price, and allow free purchasing, subject to a heavy tax, beyond it. People
will pay for locomotion, the revenue will benefit by the tax, more cars will
come out with registration fees, and the business of the country can go
forward.
Then look at these rations, all devised by the Ministry of Food to win the
war. By all means have rations, but I am told that the meat ration, for
instance, is very little better than that of Germany. Is there any need of this
when the seas are open?
If we have a heavy set-back from air attack or surface attack, it might be
necessary to inflict these severities. Up to the present there is no reason to
suppose that the Navy has failed in bringing in the supplies, or that it will
fail.
Then what about all these people of middle age, many of whom served in
the last war, who are full of vigour and experience, and who are being told
by tens of thousands that they are not wanted, and that there is nothing for
them except to register at the local Labour Exchange? Surely this is very
foolish. Why do we not form a Home Guard of half a million men over forty
(if they like to voluntSt. Nazaire, who are
to be sent to their destination without any warship protection of
any kind. If it is held to be a feasible operation to move twelve
thousand men unescorted onto the Irish or British western coasts
in the face of the full British sea-power, can this be reconciled
with the standard of danger-values now adopted in the
Mediterranean?
4. No one can see where or when the main attack on Egypt will
develop. It seems, however, extremely likely that if the Germans
are frustrated in an invasion of Great Britain or do not choose to
attempt it, they will have great need to press and aid the Italians
to the attack of Egypt. The month of September must be
regarded as critical in the extreme.
5. In these circumstances it is very wrong that we should attempt
to send our armoured brigade round the Cape, thus making sure
that during September it can play no part either in the defence of
England or Egypt.
6. I request that the operation of passing at least two M.T. ships
through with the Eastern reinforcements may be re-examined.
The personnel can be distributed in the warships, and it is a
lesser risk, from the point of view of the general war, to pass the
M.T. ships through the Mediterranean than to have the whole
armoured brigade certainly out of action going round the Cape.
So long as the personnel are properly distributed among the
warships, I am prepared to take the full responsibility for the
possible loss of the armoured vehicles.
439
I was not able to induce the Admiralty to send the armoured brigade, or at
least their vehicles, through the Mediterranean. I was both grieved and vexed
at this. Though my friendship for Admiral Pound and confidence in his
judgment were never affected, sharp argument was maintained. The
professional responsibility was his, and no naval officer with whom I ever
worked would run more risks than he. We had gone through a lot together. If
he would not do it, no one else would. If I could not make him, no one else
could. I knew the Admiralty too well to press them or my great friend and
comrade, Pound, or the First Lord, for whom I had high esteem, beyond a
certain point. My relations with the Admiralty were too good to be imperilled
by a formal appeal to the Cabinet against them.
When on August 15, I brought the question before the Cabinet finally I said
that I had hoped to persuade the Admiralty to fit the two armoured regiments
into ?Operation Hats.? If the tank-units proceeded t
indispensable. This is being done. But surely effort must be made
to aid Greece directly, even if only with token forces. Quite
understand how everyone with you is fixed on idea of set-piece
battle at Mersa Matruh. For that very reason it is unlikely to
occur. Enemy will await completion pipeline and development of
larger forces than are now concentrated. Your difficulties in
attacking across the desert obvious, but if you have no major
offensive of your own in Libya possible during next two months,
Prime Minister to Mr. Eden [at G.H.Q., Middle East where our
interesting invalid [the Nelsonbases [in British
possessionsown power,
and prevent the infantry from being held up by wire when
attacking the gorges of the forts and batteries. This is a new
feature, and removes one of the very great previous difficulties,
namely, the rapid landing of [ouraided by gas and
smoke from torpedo-proof transports by means of bullet-proof
lighters. Approximately one hundred pink gucci watch should be provided for
landing a division. In addition a number ? say fifty ? tank-landing
lighters should be provided, each carrying a tank or tanks [and
29.X.40.
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
30.X.40.
527
close-up information about the relative merits of the two armies.
I expect to have a good wire every day or so, telling us exactly
what is happening, as far as the Greeks will allow it.
There is no objection to two battalions going to Freetown,
pending their relief by the West African Brigade, after which they
can go on to Egypt. They are not to leave England until it is
agreed that the West African Brigade is to go to West Africa.
Both Crete and Malta come before Freetown in A.A. guns, and I
cannot approve of this diversion at the present time. Neither can
I agree to the diversion of a fighter squadron [for Freetownconfirms my
apprehensions about Malta. Beaches defended on an average
battalion front of fifteen miles, and no reserves for counter-attack
worth speaking of, leave the island at the mercy of a landing
force. You must remember that we do not possess the command
of the sea around Malta. The danger, therefore, appears to be
extreme. I should have thought four battalions were needed, but,
owing to the difficulty of moving transports from the west, we
must be content with two for the moment. We must find two
good ones. Apparently there is no insuperable difficulty in
accommodation.
* * * * *
When I look back on all these worries, I remember the story of the old man
who said on his deathbed that he had had a lot of trouble in his life, most of
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.I.G.S.
21.IX.40.
465
which had never happened. Certainly this is true of my life in September,
1940. The Germans were beaten in the Air Battle of Britain. The overseas
invasion of Britain was not attempted. In fact, by this date Hitler had already
turned his glare to the East. The Italians did not press their attack upon
Egypt. The tank brigade sent all round the Cape arrived in good time, not
indeed for a defensive battle of Mersa Matruh in September, but for a later
operation incomparably more advantageous. We found means to reinforce
Malta before any serious attack from the air was made upon it, and no one
dared to try a landing upon the island fortress at any time. Thus September
passed.
466
Importance of Aiding General de Gaulle ? Plan for Liberating Dakar ? Need
to Support the Free French Forces ? My Minute of August 8, 1940 ? The War
Cabinet Approves ?Operation Menace? ? Dangers of Delay and Leakage ?
Message from ?Jacques? ? Our Second String ? The French Cruisers Sighted
? A Failure at Whitehall ? Too Late ? I Advise the War Cabinet to Abandon
the Project ? Strong Desire of the Commanders to Attack ? General de
Gaulle?s Persistence ? The War Cabinet Gives Full Discretion to the
Commanders ? My Telegram to General Smuts and President Roosevelt ?
The Attack on Dakar ? Ships Versus Forts ? Stubborn Resistance of the Vichy
French ? We Suffer Appreciable Naval Losses ? Cabinet and Commanders
Agreed to Break Off ? Changes of R?le at Home and on the Spot ?
Justification of the Commanders ? Parliament Requires No Explanations.
A T THIS TIME His Majesty?s Government attached great importance to aiding
General de Gaulle and the Free French to ra 21.X.40.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to Minister of Information and Sir Alexander Cadogan.
24.X.40.
696
T.U.C. are paying all his expenses in connection with the purely
Labour side of the business, but I think that any expenses he
may incur in work useful in the national interest should be
defrayed by the Ministry of Information. Perhaps the Minister
would look into this and see what can be done. In any case, Sir
Walter should be treated with the greatest consideration, as I am
sure we can count on his entire loyalty and discretion.
NOVEMBER
How is it that when we have five hundred and twenty crews
available for bombing operations, and only five hundred and
seven aircraft similarly available, we do not draw on the aircraft
storage units, where a large number are awaiting use?
Let me have, on not more than two sheets of paper, an analysis
of the German aviators taken prisoner of war since July 1,
showing numbers, ages, amount of training, etc., distinguishing
between bomber and fighter prisoners. Any other information
about them would be welcome.
Although 1 feel sceptical about the pocket battleship going to
Lorient, the Air Force should be thinking of attacking him there at
the earliest moment and should be warned now. If he goes to
Lorient, he runs a chance of being caught by you on the way in,
bombed while he is there, and caught again on the way out.
There is only one way in and out of Lorient. Very different is his
position at Kiel, where he can come out via the Heligoland Bight
or through the Skagerrak or sneak up the Norwegian Corridor to
Prime Minister to C.A.S.
1.XI.40.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air.
1.XI.40.
Prime Minister to First Sea Lord.
6.XI.40.
697
Trondhjem. f would much rather see him go to Lorient than break
south or stay out on the Atlantic route or go back one side or the
other of Iceland.
If he continues preying on the trade, you ought to be able to
bring him to action.
On further reflection I agree it is better our two heavy ships
should stay in the north.
These notes are only for your consideration.
You impressed upon me how important it was to have a first-rate
man in charge of the Home Guard, and what a compliment to
them it would be if the former Chief of the Staff in France was
chosen; so General Pownall was appointed. But a few weeks later
I was astonished to learn he was to go to America on the mission
now discharged by General Pakenham-Walsh. With some
dithither also, and when?
8. Agreeably to the despatch of divisions to the Middle East, the
Home Army and the Home Guard will be developed to fill the gap.
A minimum of twelve mobile divisions must lie in reserve [at
homein two layers on the sides
of the ?R,? giving the ship the enormous beam of one hundred and forty feet. No
insuperable difficulty exists in fixing these, the inner set in dock and the outer in harbour.
By filling or emptying these caissons the draught of the vessel can be altered at
convenience, and, once past the shallow channel, the ship can be deepened again so as to
bring the armour belt comfortably below the waterline. The speed when fully hoisted might
perhaps be sixteen knots, and when allowed to fall back to normal draught, thirteen or
fourteen. These speeds could be accepted for the operation. They are much better than I
expected.
It is to be noted that the caissons afford admirable additional protection against torpedoes;
they are in fact super-blisters.
It would also be necessary to strengthen the armour deck so as to give exceptional
protection against air bombing, which must be expected.
(2) The caissons will be spoken of as ?galoshes? and the strengthening of the deck as the
?umbrella.?
(3) When the ice in the theatre concerned melts (?) about March, the time for the
operation would arrive. If orders are given for the necessary work by October 1, the
designs being made meanwhile, we have six months, but seven would be accepted. It
would be a great pity to waste the summer; therefore the highest priority would be
required. Estimates of time and money should be provided on this basis.
(4) In principle two ?Rs? should be so prepared, but of course three would be better. Their
Appendix B, Book II
521
only possible antagonists during the summer of 1940 would be the Scharnhorst and
Gneisenau. It may be taken for certain that neither of these ships, the sole resource of
Germany, would expose themselves to the fifteen-inch batteries of the ?Rs,? which would
shatter them.
(5) Besides the ?Rs? thus prepared, a dozen mine-bumpers should be prepared. Kindly let
me have designs. These vessels should be of sufficiently deep draught to cover the ?Rs?
when they follow, and be worked by a small engine-room party from the stern. They would
have a heavy fore-end to take the shock of any exploding mine. One would directly precede
each of the ?Rs.? Perhaps this requirement may be reduced, as the ships will go line ahead.
I can form no picture of these mine-bumpers, but one must expect two or three rows of
mines to be encountered, each of which might knock out one. It may be that ordinary
merchant ships could be used for the purpo?Excess.?
Both these should arrive early in January.
Prime Minister to General Wavell.
16.XII.40.
609
St. Matthew, Chapter VII, verse 7.2
General Wavell to Prime Minister.
St. James, Chapter I, verse 17.3
* * * * *
Bardia was our next objective. Within its perimeter, seventeen miles in extent,
was the greater part of four more Italian divisions. The defences comprised a
continuous anti-tank ditch and wire obstacles with concrete block-houses at
intervals, and behind this was a second line of fortifications. The storming of
this considerable stronghold required preparation. The 7th Armoured Division
prevented all enemy escape to the north and northwest. For the assault there
were available the 6th Australian Division, the 16th British Infantry Brigade,
the 7th Battalion Royal Tank Regiment (twenty-six tanks), one machine -gun
battalion, one field and one medium regiment of corps artillery.
To complete this episode of desert victory, I shall intrude upon the New Year.
The attack opened early on January 3. One Australian battalion, covered by a
strong artillery concentration, seized and held a lodgment in the western
perimeter. Behind them engineers filled in the anti-tank ditch. Two Australian
brigades carried on the attack and swept east and southeastward. They sang
at that time a song they had brought with them from Australia which soon
spread to Britain.
Have you heard of the wonderful wizard,
The wonderful Wizard of Oz,
And he is a wonderful wizard,
If ever a wizard there was.
This tune always reminds me of these buoyant days. By the afternoon of the
4th, British tanks ? ?Matildas,? as they were named ? supported by infantry,
Prime Minister to General Wavell. 18.XII.40.
610
entered Bardia, and by the 5th all the defenders had surrendered. Forty-five
thousand prisoners and 462 guns were taken.
By next day, January 6, Tobruk in its turn had been isolated by the 7th
Armoured Division, and on the 7th the leading Australian brigade stood before
its eastern defences. Here the perimeter was twenty-seven miles long and
similar to that of Bardia, except that the anti-tank ditch at many points was
not deep enough to be effective. The garrison consisted of one complete
infantry division, a corps headquarters, and a mass of remnants from the
forward areas. It was not possible to launch the assault till January 21, when,
under a strong barrage, another Australian brigade pierced the perimeter on
its southern face. The two otin secret that he ?had not abandoned hopes of
similar arrangements with Germany.? They took this rather coldly.
Meanwhile, our progress in the air is increasingly disappointing.
With regard to the Italian Pact, I agree with what you write. Mussolini gives
us nothing more than the repetition of promises previously made and broken
by him, except for the withdrawal of troops from Libya, troops which were
probably originally sent there for their nuisance value. It has now become
clear that, as I expected, Mussolini continued his intervention in Spain after
the conversations in Rome had opened. He must be an optimist, indeed,
who believes that Mussolini will cease increasing that intervention now,
should it be required to secure Franco's victory.
As a diplomatic instrument the pact embodies a machinery which is likely to
be found very troublesome to work. It is not to come into force until after
the Italians leave Spain. It is almost certain, however, that many months will
elapse before that occurs, and since what is important is not the presence of
Mr. Churchill to Mr. Eden. 18.IV.38.
Mr. Eden to Mr. Churchill. 28.IV.38.
216
Italian infantry, but the assertions of their experts and the Germans, it will
be difficult to establish with certainty that the withdrawal has taken place.
But maybe some do not mind much about that.
Then there is the Italian position in Abyssinia, which, from what I hear, so
far from improving grows steadily worse. I am afraid that the moment we
are choosing for its recognition will not benefit our authority among the
many millions of the King's coloured subjects.
None the less I equally agree as to the need for caution in any attitude
taken up towards the agreement. After all, it is not an agreement yet, and it
would be wrong certainly for me to say anything which could be considered
as making its fruition more difficult. After all, this is precisely what I
promised I would do in my resignation speech and at Leamington.
The most anxious feature of the international situation, as I see it, is that
temporary relaxation of tension may be taken as a pretext for the relaxation
of national effort, which is already inadequate to the gravity of the times.
Hitler was watching the scene with vigilance. To him also the ultimate alignment of Italy in
a European crisis was important. In conference with his Chiefs of Staff at the end of April,
he was considering how to force the pace. Mussolini wanted a free hand Regular battalions. The speed
of this fast convoy should be accelerated.
2. Everything must be done to carry out the recommendations for
the control of aliens put forward by the Committee and minuted
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S.
18.V.40.
60
by me on another paper. Action should also be taken against
Communists and Fascists, and very considerable numbers should
be put in protective or preventive internment, including the
leaders. These measures must, of course, be brought before the
Cabinet before action.
3. The Chiefs of Staff must consider whether it would not be well
to send only half of the so-called Armoured Division to France.
One latest fendi bags must always be prepared for the fact that the French may be
offered very advantageous terms of peace, and the whole weight
be thrown on us.
* * * * *
I also thought it necessary, with the approval of my colleagues, to send the
following grave telegrams to President Roosevelt in order to show how
seriously the interests of the United States would be affected by the conquest
and subjugation not only of France but of Great Britain. The Cabinet pondered
over these drafts for a while, but made no amendment.
I do not need to tell you about the gravity of what has happened.
We are determined to persevere to the very end, whatever the
result of the great battle raging in France may be. We must
expect in any case to be attacked here on the Dutch model
before very long, and we hope to give a good account of
ourselves. But if American assistance is to play any part it must
be available soon.
Lothian has reported his conversation with you. I understand
your difficulties, but I am very sorry about the destroyers. If they
were here in six weeks they would play an invaluable part. The
Former Naval Person to President Roosevelt.
18.V.40.
Former Naval Person to President Roosevelt.
20.V.40.
61
battle in France is full of danger to both sides. Though we have
taken heavy toll of the enemy in the air and are clawing down
two or three to one of their planes, they have still a formidable
numerical superiority. Our most vital need is, therefore, the
delivery at the earliest possible date of the largest possible
number of Curtiss P-40 fighters, now in course of delivery to your
Army.
With regard to the closing part of your talk with Lothian, our
intention is, whatever happens, to fight on to the end in this
island, and, provided we can get the help for which we ask, we
hope to run them Newcastle or Glasgow, which are under long repair. A
record evolution should be made of getting one or two of these
turrets mounted. Report to me about this and dates. There is a
9.2 Army experimental gun and mounting, and surely we have
some twelve-inch on railway mountings. If our ships cannot use
the Straits, the enemy must not be able to. Even if guns cannot
fire onto the French shore, they are none the less very valuable.
Some of our heavy artillery ? the eighteen-inch howitzer and the
9.2?s ? should be planted in positions whence they could deny the
ports and landings to the enemy, and as C.I.G.S. mentioned,
support the counter-attack which would be launched against any
attempted bridgehead. Much of this mass of artillery I saved from
the last war has done nothing, and has been under reconditioning
for a whole year.
Let me have a good programme for using it to support counter -
strokes and deny landings, both north and south of the Thames.
Farther north I have seen already some very good heavy
batteries.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 30.VIII.40.
275
I should like also to be informed of the real [actualbe examined this afternoon, and Admiralty be consulted,
and report to me on relative times and safety. The Australians
can be left in Palestine for the moment, but the High
Commissioner, like others, must conform to the supreme
requirements of the State.
Admiralty should say whether it would be possible to pick these
men up at the Cape in the big liners for extra speed.
What measures have been taken to seize all Italian ships at the
moment of war? How many are there in British ports, and what
can be done about them on the seas or in foreign ports? Will you
kindly pass this to the proper Department immediately.
At the Supreme War Council in Paris on May 31, which has already been
described, it was agreed that the Allies should undertake offensive operations
against selected objectives in Italy at the earliest possible moment and that
Prime Minister to General Ismay (and others).
29.V.40.
Prime Minister to First Lord of the Admiralty
30.V.40.
130
the French and British naval and air staffs should concert their plans. We had
also agreed that in the event of Italian aggression against Greece, of which
there were indications, we should make sure that Crete did not fall into enemy
hands. I pursued the same theme in my minutes.
It is of the utmost importance, in view of the [possibleraids on
Lyons and Marseilles, that we should be able to strike back with
our heavy bombers at Italy the moment she enters the war. I
consider therefore that these squadrons should be flown to their
aerodromes in Southern France at the earliest moment when
French permission can be obtained and when the servicing units
are ready for their reception.
Pray let me know at our meeting tonight what you propose.
It is of the highest importance that we should strike at Italy the
moment war breaks out, or an overbearing ultimatum is received.
Please let me know the exact position of the servicing units which
are on their way to the southern aerodromes in France.
An early Italian plan, favoured particularly by Ciano, had been that Italian
action in Europe should be confined to the launching of an attack on
Yugoslavia, thus consolidating Italy?s power in Eastern Europe and
strengthening her potential economic position. Mussolini himself was for a
time won over to this idea. Graziani records that at the end of April the Duce
told him, ?We must bring Yugoslavia to her knees; we have need of raw
materials and it is in her mines that we must find them. In consequence my
strategic directive is ? defensive in the west (France) and offensive in the east
(Yugoslavia). Prepare a study of the problem.? 3 Graziani claims that he
advised strongly against committing the Italian armies, short as they were of
equipment, particularly of artillery, to a repetition of the Isonzo campaign of
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air and Chief of Air Staff. 2.VI.40.
Prime Minister to S. of S. for Air and C.A.S.
6.VI.40.
131
1915. There were also political arguments against the Yugoslav plan. The
Germans were anxious at this moment to avoid disturbing Eastern Europe.
They feared it would provoke British action in the Balkans and might
inadvertently tempt Russia to further activity in the East. I was not aware of
this aspect of Italian policy.
I have hitherto argued against going to war with Italy because
she attacked [i.e., if she were to attack we had taken the necessary steps to
immunize Germany from this madman. At this time the prospect of war filled the great
majority of the German people with horror. We did not intend to kill the Nazi leaders?
merely to arrest them, establish a military Government, and issue a proclamation to the
people that we had taken this action only because we were convinced they were being led
to certain disaster.
The following were in the plot: Generals Halder, Beck, Stuelpnagel, Witzleben (Commander
of the Berlin garrison), Thomas (Controller of Armaments), Brockdorff (Commander of the
Potsdam garrison), and Graf von Helldorf, who was in charge of the Berlin police. The
Commander-in-Chief, General von Brauchitsch, was informed, and approved.
It was easy, as a part of the troop movements against Czechoslovakia and of ordinary
military routine, to hold one Panzer division so near to Berlin that it could reach the capital
by a night's march. The evidence is clear that the Third Panzer Division, commanded by
237
General Hoeppner, was at the time of the Munich crisis stationed south of Berlin. General
Hoeppner's secret mission was to occupy the capital, the Chancellery, and the important
Nazi Ministries and offices at a given signal. For this purpose it was added to General
Witzleben's command. According to Halder's account, Helldorf, Chief of the Berlin police,
then made meticulous arrangements to arrest Hitler, Goering, Goebbels, and Himmler.
?There was no possibility of a hitch. All that was required for a completely successful coup
was Hitler's presence in Berlin.? He arrived there from Berchtesgaden on the morning of
September 14. Halder heard of this at midday, and immediately went over to see Witzleben
and complete the plans. It was decided to strike at eight that same evening. At 4 P.M.,
according to Halder, a message was received in Witzleben's office that Mr. Chamberlain
was going to fly to see the Fuehrer at Berchtesgaden. A meeting was at once held, at
which he, Halder, told Witzleben that ?if Hitler had succeeded in his bluff, he would not be
justified, as Chief of Staff, in calling it.? It was accordingly decided to defer action, and
await events.
Such is the tale, which historians should probe, of this internal crisis in Berlin as told by
General von Halder, at that time Chief of the Staff. It has since been confirmed by other
generals? Mueller and Hillebrandt? and has been accepted as genuine by various
authorities whodid his best to destroy the
General Staff, and was supported by the political parties within
Germany. The Inter-Allied Control had rightly, from its standpoint,
tried for years to make the training in higher staffs so primitive that
there could be no General Staff. They tried in the boldest ways to
discover how General Staff officers were being trained, but we
succeeded in giving nothing away, neither the system nor what was
taught. Seeckt never gave in, for had the General Staff been
destroyed, it would have been difficult to re-create it. Although the
form had to be broken, the content was saved.
In fact, under the pretence of being Departments of Reconstruction, Research, and Culture,
several thousand staff officers in plain clothes and their assistants were held together in
Berlin, thinking deeply about the past and the future.
Rabenau makes an illuminating comment:
Without Seeckt there would today [in 1940of the rest of
the Australian Corps. Perhaps you will let me have a note on this,
showing especially dates at which the moves can be made.
6. You must not think I am ignoring the position in the Middle
East. On the contrary, it seems to me that we should draw upon
India much more largely, and that a ceaseless stream of Indian
units should be passing into Palestine and Egypt via Bombay and
[byarmoured divisions with two or three infantry
divisions have advanced through gap and large masses hurrying
forward behind them. Two great dangers therefore threaten. First
that B.E.F. will be largely left in the air to make a difficult
disengagement and retreat to the old line. Secondly, that the
German thrust will wear down the French resistance before it can
be fully gathered.
Orders given to defend Paris at all costs, but archives of the Quai
d?Orsay already burning in the garden. I consider the next two,
three, or four days decisive for Paris and probably for the French
Army. Therefore the question we must face is whether we can
give further aid in fighters above four squadrons, for which the
French are very grateful, and whether a larger part of our longrange
heavy bombers should be employed tomorrow and the
following nights upon the German masses crossing the Meuse
and flowing into the Bulge. Even so results cannot be
55
guaranteed; but the French resistance may be broken up as
rapidly as that of Poland unless this battle of the Bulge is won. I
personally feel that we should send squadrons of fighters
demanded (i.e., six more) tomorrow, and, concentrating all
available French and British aviation, dominate the air above the
Bulge for the next two or three days, not for any local purpose,
but to give the last chance to the French Army to rally its bravery
and strength. It would not be good historically if their requests
were denied and their ruin resulted. Also night bombardment by
a strong force of heavy bombers can no doubt be arranged. It
looks as if the enemy was by now fully extended both in the air
and tanks. We must not underrate the increasing difficulties of his
advance if strongly counter-attacked. I imagine that if all fails
here we could still shift what is left of our own air striking force to
assist the B.E.F. should it be forced to withdraw. I again
emphasise the mortal gravity of the hour, and express my opinion
as above. Kindly inform me what you will do. Dill agrees. I must
have answer by midnight in order to encourage the French.
Telephone to Ismay at Embassy in Hindustani.
The reply came at about 11.30. The Cabinet said ?Yes.? I immediately took
Ismay off with me in a car to M. Reynaud?s flat. We found it more or less in
darkness. After an interval M. Reynaud emerged from his bedroom in his
dressing-gown and I told him the favourable news. Ten fighter squadrons! I
then persuaded him to send no doubt would strongly endorse.
This is not the only Germany which we shall live to see, but we have to
consider that at present two or three men, in what may well be a desperate
position, have the whole of that mighty country in their grip, have that
wonderful scientific, intelligent, docile, valiant people in their grip, a
population of seventy millions; that there is no dynastic interest such as the
monarchy bring as a restraint upon policy, because it looks long ahead and
has much to lose; and that there is no public opinion except what is
manufactured by those new and terrible engines? broadcasting and a
controlled press. Politics in Germany are not as they are over here. There,
you do not leave office to go into Opposition. You do not leave the Front
Bench to sit below the Gangway. You may well leave your high office at a
quarter of an hour's notice to drive to the police station, and you may be
conducted thereafter very rapidly to an even graver ordeal.
It seems to me that men in that position might very easily be tempted to do
what even a military dictatorship would not do, because a military
dictatorship, with all its many faults, at any rate is one that is based on a
very accurate study of the real facts; and there is more danger in this kind
of dictatorship than there would be in a military dictatorship, because you
have men who, to relieve themselves from the great peril which confronts
them at home, might easily plunge into a foreign cartier santos watches adventure of the most
dangerous and catastrophic character to the whole world.
* * * * *
The first temptation to such an adventure was soon to be revealed.
During the early part of July, 1934, there was much coming and going over the mountain
paths leading from Bavaria into Austrian territory. At the end of July, a German courier fell
into the hands of the Austrian frontier police. He carried documents, including cipher keys,
which showed that a complete plan of revolt was reaching fruition. The organiser of the
coup d'?at was to be Anton von Rintelen, at that time Austrian Minister to Italy. Dollfuss
and his Ministers were slow to respond to the warnings of an impending crisis and to the
signs of imminent revolt which became apparent in the early hours of July 25. The Nazi
adherents in Vienna mobilised during the morning. Just before one o'clock in the afternoon,
82
a party of armed rebels entered the Chancellery, and Dollfuss, hit by two revolver bullets,
was left to bleed s
3.XI.40.
531
then you should run risks to stimulate Greek resistance. Over
seventy thousand men sent to Middle East Command since June
and thirty thousand reaching you before November 15, fifty-three
thousand by end of the year. Armoured regiments have started in
big convoy yesterday. Cannot therefore believe that various
minor offensives of which you speak, plus major defence at
Mersa Matruh, will outvalue need of effective action in Greece.
No one will thank us for sitting tight in Egypt with ever-growing
forces while Greek situation and all that hangs on it is cast away.
Loss of Athens far greater injury than Kenya and Khartoum, but
no necessity for such a price to be paid. Read carefully Palairet?s
(our minister in Athens) telegrams. New emergencies must be
met in war as they come, and local views must not subjugate
main issue. No one expected Italy so late in the year would
attack Greece. Greece, resisting vigorously with reasonable aid
from Egypt and England, might check invaders. I am trying to
send substantial bomber and fighter reinforcements to Crete and
Greece, flying from England, with stores by cruiser. If this proves
feasible details will be cabled tomorrow or Monday. Trust you will
grasp situation firmly, abandoning negative and passive policies
and seizing opportunity which has come into our hands. ?Safety
first? is the road to ruin in war, even if you had the safety, which
you have not. Send me your proposals earliest, or say you have
none to make.
And again:
4.XI.40.
We are sending you air reinforcements, arriving as fully explained
in accompanying message from Chiefs of Staff. Send at once to
Greece one Gladiator squadron and two more Blenheim
squadrons, three in all. If necessary send a second battalion to
Crete. Agreeably with arrival of our air reinforcements aforesaid
and at earliest send one more Gladiator squadron. Anti-aircraft
guns for airfields in Greece should precede arrival of squadrons.
532
It was proposed at this time to ask the Greeks to keep their Cretan division in
the island. I therefore minuted:
It will be difficult to deny the Greeks the use of this Cretan
division. If that be so, we shall certainly have to put more troops
on the island. It is important that there should be a certain
number of troops, and that it should be thought by the enemy
that we are landing considerable numbers. The area to be
watched is very extensive, and the consequences of a counter -
attack woulthere is such a thing as national defence. We think that you have to go forward
to disarmament and not to the piling-up of armaments.? Neither side usually has much to
be proud of at election times. The Prime Minister himself was no doubt conscious of the
138
growing strength behind the Government's foreign policy. He was, however, determined
not to be drawn into war on any account. It seemed to me, viewing the proceedings from
outside, that he was anxious to gather as much support as possible and use it to begin
British rearmament on a modest scale.
* * * * *
The Conservative Party Conference was held at Bourne-mouth on the very day when
Mussolini began his attack on Abyssinia and his bombs were falling on Adowa. In view of
this, and not less of the now imminent general election, we all closed our ranks as party
men.
I supported a resolution which was carried unanimously:
(1) To repair the serious deficiencies in the defence forces of the Crown,
and, in particular, first, to organise our industry for speedy conversion to
defence purposes, if need be.
(2) To make a renewed effort to establish equality in the air with the
strongest foreign air force within striking distance of our shores.
(3) To rebuild the British Fleet and strengthen the Royal Navy, so as to
safeguard our food and livelihood and preserve the coherence of the British
Empire.
Hitherto in these years I had not desired office, having had so much of it, and being
opposed to the Government on their Indian policy. But with the passage of the India Bill,
which was to take some years to come into force, this barrier had fallen away. The growing
German menace made me anxious to lay my hands upon our military machine. I could now
feel very keenly what was coming. Distracted France and timid, peace-loving Britain would
soon be confronted with the challenge of the European Dictators. I was in sympathy with
the changing temper of the Labour Party. Here was the chance of a true National
Government. It was understood that the Admiralty would be vacant, and I wished very
much to go there should the Conservatives be returned to power. I was, of course, well
aware that this desire was not shared by several of Mr. Baldwin's principal colleagues. I
represented a policy, and it was known that I should strive for it whether from without or
from within. If they could do without me, they would certainly be very glad. To some
extent this depended upon their majority.
* * * * *
stocks are
piling up in this country. Let me know what the total now
amounts to. The necessary containers should be brought level
with supply. Do these stocks keep? Press on.
SEPTEMBER
Of course if the glider scheme is better than --parachutes, we
should pursue it, but is it being seriously taken up? Are we not in
danger of being fobbed off with one doubtful and experimental
policy and losing the other which has already been proved? Let
me have a full report of what has been done about the gliders.
I am deeply concerned at your news that you cannot attack these
batteries of German long-range guns until the 16th. You are
allowing an artillery concentration to be developed day after day,
which presently will forbid the entry of all British ships into the
Straits of Dover, and will prepare the way for an attack on Dover
itself. Pray let me know what you propose to do about this.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
31.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 1.IX.40.
Prime Minister to First Lord and First Sea Lord.
1.IX.40.
672
Surely while the big guns are actually being hoisted into position
and cannot fire back is the time for action. The general weakness
of the defences of Dover itself in heavy guns is also a matter of
great seriousness. We must not simply look at dangers piling up
without any attempt to forestall them. Erebus will have to face
double the fire on the 16th that she or any other ship would have
to face in the next week.
I remember well that it was customary to bombard the Knocke
and other German batteries on the Belgian coast very frequently
during the late war. It was possible to fire most accurately by
night after a buoy had been fixed and sound-ranging used. I ask
for proposals for action this week. Look at the photographs
attached.
I presume you will be thinking about what is to happen should
?Menace? succeed, with little or no bloodshed. It would seem that
as soon as de Gaulle has established himself there and in the
place a little to the north, he should try to get a footing in
Morocco, and our ships and troops could be used to repeat the
process of ?Menace,? if it has been found to work, immediately
and in a more important theatre. This operation may be called
?Threat.?
I should be glad to have a full report of the arrangements being
made to provide educational and recreational facilities for the
troops during the coming winter. Who will be responsible for this
importanto the Chiefs of the Staff for C.-in-C. Home Forces,
adding: ?I consider that fog is the gravest danger, as it throws
both air forces out of action, baffles our artillery, prevents
organised naval attack, and specially favours the infiltration
tactics by which the enemy will most probably seek to secure his
lodgments. Should conditions of fog prevail, the strongest
possible air barrage must be put down upon the invasion ports
during the night and early morning. I should be glad to be
advised of the proposed naval action by our flotillas, both in
darkness and at dawn: (a) if the fog lies more on the English
than the French side of the Channel; (b) if it is uniform on both
sides.
?Are we proposing to use radio aids to navigation?
?Prolonged conditions of stand -by under frequent air
bombardment will be exhausting to the enemy. Nonetheless, fog
is our foe.?
In spite of all the danger it was important not to wear the men out.
Inquire from the C.O.S. Committee whether in view of the rough
weather Alert Number 1 might not be discreetly relaxed to the
next grade.
Report to me.
Prime Minister to Colonel Jacob. 16.IX.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
18.IX.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
18.IX.40.
456
Make inquiries whether there is no way in which a sheet of
flaming oil can be spread over one or more of the invasion
harbours. This is no more than the old fire-ship story, with
modern improvements, that was tried at Dunkirk in the days of
the Armada. The Admiralty can surely think of something.
The De Wilde ammunition is of extreme importance. At Number
11 Group the bombing of its factory was evidently considered a
great blow. I can quite understand the output dropping to 38,000
rounds in the week while you are moving from Woolwich and
getting reinstated, but I trust it will revive again. Pray let me
know your future forecast for the next four weeks. If there is
revival in prospect, we might perhaps draw a little upon our
reserve.
I must show you the comments made upon the latest returns of
small-arms ammunition by my Statistical Department. They cause
me the greatest anxiety. In particular the De Wilde ammunition,
which is the most valuable, is the most smitten. It seems to me
that a most tremendous effort must be made, not only on the
whole field of Marks 7 and 8, but on De Wilde and armourpiercing.
I am well aware of your difficulties. Will you let me
know if there is any way in which I can help you to overco
1. As a measure of retaliation it may become necessary to feed large
numbers of floating mines into the Rhine. This can easily be done at any
point between Strasbourg and the Lauter, where the left bank is French
territory. General Gamelin was much interested in this idea, and asked me to
work it out for him.
2. Let us clearly see the object in view. The Rhine is traversed by an
enormous number of very large barges, and is the main artery of German
trade and life. These barges, built only for river work, have riot got double
keels or any large subdivision by bulkheads. It is easy to check these details.
In addition there are at least twelve bridges of boats recently thrown across
the Rhine upon which the German armies concentrated in the Saarbrueck-
381
Luxemburg area depend.
3. The type of mine required is, therefore, a small one, perhaps no bigger
than a football. The current of the river is at most about seven miles an
hour, and three or four at ordinary times, but it is quite easy to verify this.
There must, therefore, be a clockwork apparatus in the mine which makes it
dangerous only after it has gone a certain distance, so as to be clear of
French territory and also so as to spread the terror farther down the Rhine
to its confluence with the Moselle and beyond. The mine should
automatically sink, or preferably explode, by this apparatus before reaching
Dutch territory. After the mine has proceeded the required distance, which
can be varied, it should explode on a light contact. It would be a
convenience if, in addition to the above, the mine could go off if stranded
after a certain amount of time, as it might easily spread alarm on either of
the German banks.
4. It would be necessary in addition that the mine should float a convenient
distance beneath the surface so as to be invisible in the turgid waters. A
hydrostatic valve actuated by a small cylinder of compressed air should be
devised. I have not made the calculations, but I should suppose forty-eight
hours would be the maximum for which it would have to work. An
alternative would be to throw very large numbers of camouflage globes? tin
shells ? into the river, which would spread confusion and exhaust remedial
activities.
5. What can they do against this? Obviously nets would be put across; but
wreckage passing down the river would break these nets, and except at the
frontier, they would be a great inconvenience to the traffic. Anyhow, when
our mine fetchedin
London, and especially on the railways. The congestion in the
marshalling yards is becoming acute, mainly from this cause. It
would be well to bring in clearance parties both from the north
and the west, and also to expand as rapidly as possible General
King?s organisation. It must be planned on large enough lines to
cope with this nuisance, which may soon wear a graver aspect.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
13.IX.40.
Prime Minister to Minister of Supply.
21.IX.40.
353
The rapid disposal of unexploded bombs is of the highest
importance. Any failure to grapple with this problem may have
serious results on the production of aircraft and other vital war
material. The work of the bomb-disposal squads gucci bag must be
facilitated by the provision of every kind of up-to-date equipment.
The paper, which I have received from the Secretary of State for
War, shows the experiments on foot, and the equipment being
planned. Priority 1 (a) should be allotted to the production of the
equipment required, and to any further requirements which may
come to light.
I hear that there is a special type of auger manufactured in the
United States which is capable of boring in the space of less than
an hour a hole of such a size and depth as would take two to
three days to dig manually.
You should, I think, consider ordering a number of these
appliances for the use of the bomb-disposal squads. The essence
of this business is to reach the bomb and deal with it with the
least possible delay.
These augers may perhaps be expensive, but they will pay for
themselves many times over by the saving they will effect in life
and property. Besides, I consider that we owe it to these brave
men to provide them with the very best technical equipment.
I am told that there is good evidence to show that the system of
dealing with time -bombs by trepanning 2 is proving very
successful. In view of the serious and growing trouble that is
being caused by these bombs, I should like to be assured that
this method is being used on a large enough scale. Will you
please let me have a report on the extent to which trepanning is
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
14.IX.40.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
28.IX.40.
354
being used.
Special companies were formed in every city, town and district. Volunteers
pressed forward for the deadly game. Teams were formed which had good or
bad luck. Some survived this phase of our ordeal. Otherof the Staff, three Ministers,
and General Ismay, who all have a voice in Norwegian operations (apart
from Narvik). But no one is responsible for the creation and direction of
military policy except yourself. If you feel able to bear this burden, you may
count upon my unswerving loyalty as First Lord of the Admiralty. If you do
not feel you can bear it, with all your other duties, you will have to delegate
your powers to a deputy who can concert and direct the general movement
of our war action, and who will enjoy your support and that of the War
Cabinet unless very good reason is shown to the contrary.
Before I could send it off, I received a message from the Prime Minister saying that he had
been considering the position of Scandinavia and felt it to be unsatisfactory. He asked me
to call on him that evening at Downing Street after dinner to discuss the whole situation in
private.
I have no record of what passed at our conversation, which was of a most friendly
character. I am sure I put the points in my unsent letter, and that the Prime Minister
agreed with their force and justice. He had every wish to give me the powers of direction
for which I asked, and there was no kind of personal difficulty between us. He had,
however, to consult and persuade a number of important personages, and it was not till
May 1 that he was able to issue the following note to the Cabinet and those concerned.
May 1, 1940.
I have been examining, in consultation with the Ministers in charge of the
service departments, the existing arrangements for the consideration and
decision of defence questions, and I circulate for the information of my
colleagues a memorandum describing certain modifications which it has
been decided to make in these arrangements forthwith. The modifications
have been agreed to by the three Service Ministers. With the approval of the
First Lord of the Admiralty, Major-General H. L. Ismay, C.B., D.S.O., has
been appointed to the post of Senior Staff Officer in charge of the Central
Staff which, as indicated in the memorandum, is to be placed at the disposal
of the First Lord. Major -General Ismay has been nominated, while serving in
483
this capacity, an additional member of the Chiefs of Staff Committee. N. C.
Defence Organisation
In order to obtain a greater concentration of the direction of the war, the
following modifications of present arrangements will take effect.
The First Lord of the Admiralty will continue to tak the whole vast business of our worldwide trade
continues without interruption or appreciable diminution. Great convoys of
troops are escorted to their various destinations. The enemy's ships and
commerce have been swept from the seas. Over 2,000,000 tons of German
shipping is now sheltering in German, or interned in neutral harbours. In the
first fortnight of the war we have actually arrested, seized, and converted to
our own use, 67,000 tons more German merchandise than has been sunk in
ships of our own. Again I reiterate my caution against oversanguine
conclusions. We have in fact, however, got more supplies in this country this
afternoon than we should have had if no war had been declared and no Uboat
had come into action. It is not going beyond the limits of prudent
statement if I say that at that rate it will take a long time to starve us out.
From time to time the German U-boat commanders have tried their best to
behave with humanity. We have seen them give good warning and also
endeavour to help the crews to find their ways to port. One German captain
signalled to me personally the position of a British ship which he had just
328
sunk, and urged that rescue should be sent. He signed his message,
?German Submarine.? I was in some doubt at the time to what address I
should direct a reply. However, he is now in our hands, and is treated with
all consideration.
Even taking six or seven U-boats sunk as a safe figure, 7 that is one-tenth of
the total enemy submarine fleet as it existed at the declaration of war
destroyed during the first fortnight of the war, and it is probably one-quarter
or perhaps even one-third of all the U -boats which are being employed
actively. But the British attack upon the U-boats is only just beginning. Our
hunting force is getting stronger every day. By the end of October, we
expect to have three times the hunting force which was operating at the
beginning of the war.
This speech, which lasted only twenty-five minutes, was extremely well received by the
House, and in fact it recorded the failure of the first German U-boat attack upon our trade.
My fears were for the future, but our preparations for 1941 were now proceeding with all
possible speed and on the largest scale which our resources would allow.
* * * * *
By the end of September, we had little cause for dissatisfaction with the results of the first
impact of the war at sea. I could feel that I had effectively taken over the great dcan
be spared without prejudice to the Libyan pursuit battle. The
Dodecanese will not get harder for a little waiting. But neither of
them ought to detract from the supreme task of inflicting further
defeats upon the main Italian army. I cannot, of course, pretend
to judge special conditions from here, but Napoleon?s maxim,
?Frappez la masse et tout le reste vient par surcroit,? seems to
ring in one?s ears. I must recur to the suggestion made in my
previous telegram about amphibious operations and landings
behind the enemy?s front to cut off hostile detachments and to
carry forward supplies and troops by sea.
Pray convey my compliments and congratulations to Longmore
on his magnificent handling of the R.A.F. and fine co -operation
with the Army. I hope most of the new Hurricanes have reached
him safely. Tell him we are filling up Furious again with another
even larger packet of flyables from Takoradi. He will also get
those that are being carried through in [Operation should the British Government uphold
its new and negative decision concerning direct action upon
Dakar by sea, I request immediate co -operation of British naval
and air forces here present to support and cover an operation
which I personally shall conduct with my own troops against
Dakar from the interior.1
Our commanders now reported: 2
At meeting today de Gaulle insisted upon necessity for early
The Admiralty know every day exactly the state...
03:18, 2010-Jan-3
.. Link
The
Admiralty know every day exactly the state of the flotillas. I do
not know why this matter should go through the War Cabinet or
Defence Ministry. Pray tell the Admiralty to send direct to me,
every week, the state o? their flotillas.
I am much concerned that the patrols on the western approaches
should only have gone up to thirty effective. Let me see the chart
showing previous weeks tomorrow.
I shall be obliged if you will let me know the present
unemployment figures, divided into as many categories as is
convenient, and compared with (a) how they stood at the
outbreak of war, and (b) when the new Government was formed.
It is to me incomprehensible that with the 50 American
destroyers coming into service we should not have been able to
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
28.XI.40.
Prime Minister to Minister of Labour.
28.XI.40.
Prime Minister to First Sea Lord.
30.XI.40.
711
raise the total serviceable to above 77 by November 23, when
they stood at 106 on October 16. What happened between
October 16 and October 26 to beat down serviceable destroyers
by 28 vessels, and why did they go down from 84 to 77 between
November 16 and November 23? ? just at the very time when
another dozen Americans were coming into service.
I have authorised the ringing of church bells on Christmas Day,
as the imminence of invasion has greatly receded. Perhaps,
however, you will let me know what alternative methods of giving
the alarm you would propose to use on that day, and, secondly,
what steps would be taken to ensure that the ringing of the bells
for church services and without any invasion does not in fact lead
to an alarm. There must certainly be no relaxation of vigilance.
DECEMBER
All this talk about Atlantic operations and Atlantic islands is most
dangerous, and is contrary to the decision to describe such
operations as ?Shrapnel.? I see no need for these long and
pointless telegrams, and it is becoming quite impossible to
conduct military operations when everything has to be spread
about the Departments and around the world like this.
Kindly give me the assurance that there will be no further
discussion of these matters by telegram without my seeing the
messages before they are multiplied.
Let me also know exactly the lists of officials and departments to
whom these telegrams have been distributed.
Prime Minister to C.-in-C. Home Forces.
30.XI.40.
Prime Minister toby the
First Sea Lord. Our Home Army is already at a strength when it
should be able to deal with such an invasion, and its strength is
rapidly increasing.
I should be very glad if our plans to meet invasion on shore could
be reviewed on this basis, so that the Cabinet may be informed of
any modifications. It should be borne in mind that although the
heaviest attack would seem likely to fall in the north, yet the
sovereign importance of London and the narrowness of the seas
in this quarter make the south the theatre where the greatest
precautions must be taken.
There was general acceptance of this basis, and for the next few weeks we
proceeded upon it. Upon the action to be taken by our main Fleet in the
narrow waters precise orders were issued with which I was in full agreement.
On July 20, after considerable discussion with Admiral Forbes, the
Commander-in-Chief, the following decisions were promulgated by the
Admiralty:
(1) Their Lordships do not expect our heavy ships to go south to
break up an expedition landing on our coast in the absence of
any reports indicating the presence of enemy heavy ships.
(2) If enemy heavy ships support an expedition, accepting the
risks involved in an approach to our coast in the southern part of
the North Sea, then it is essential that our heavy ships should
move south against them, also accepting risks.
In order to reach more definite conclusions about the varying probabilities and
scales of attack on our extended coastline, so as to avoid undue spreading of
our forces, I sent the Chiefs of the Staff a further Minute early in August.
290
DEFENCE AGAINST INVASION
MINUTE BY THE PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTER OF DEFENCE
5.VIII.40.
Bearing in mind the immense cost in war energy and the
disadvantages of attempting to defend the whole coast of Great
Britain, and the dangers of being unduly committed to systems of
passive defence, I should be glad if the following notes could be
borne in mind:
1. Our first line of defence against invasion must be as ever the
enemy?s ports. Air reconnaissance, submarine watching, and
other means of obtaining information should be followed by
resolute attacks with all our forces available and suitable upon
any concentrations of enemy shipping.
2. Our second line of defence is the vigilant patrolling of the sea
to intercept any invading expedition, and to destroy it in transit.
3. Our third line is the counter-attack upon the enemy when he
makes any landfahave made a good impression.
The battle here for air mastery continues to be severe, but firm
confidence is felt in its eventual outcome.
It is surprising that the violent impact of the air upon our control of the
Mediterranean had not been more plainly foreseen by the British Government
before the war and by their expert advisers. In any case, however, we had
fallen so far behind in the air race with Germany that the defence of Britain
made an overwhelming demand on the already outnumbered forces we
possessed. Until the Battle of Britain had been decisively won, every
reinforcement of aircraft to the Mediterranean and Egypt had been an act of
acute responsibility. Even in the winter months, when we felt we were
masters of our own daylight air at home, it was very hard under the full fury
of the Blitz to send away fighter aircraft either to Malta or to Egypt. It was
also most painful to take from bombarded British cities and vital seaports and
munitions factories the anti-aircraft guns and shells sorely needed for their
protection, and to send these either all round the Cape to Egypt or at much
peril direct to Malta.
443
The reinforcement of Malta?s hitherto neglected air defences was pressed
forward in spite of losses and disappointments. Among the tasks of Admiral
Somerville?s force at Gibraltar was the convoying of fighter aircraft in a carrier
to within flying distance of Malta. The first of these efforts was made in the
beginning of August, when twelve Hurricanes were flown into the island from
the aircraft-carrier Argus. Until their arrival the air defence of Malta consisted
of three Gladiators, known locally by the affectionate names of ?Faith,?
?Hope,? and ?Charity.? We made a second attempt in November; but there
was a tragedy. Nine aircraft out of fourteen, which had been launched from
the Argus, four hundred miles to the westward of the island, ran out of fuel on
the way through a change of wind, and perished at sea with their devoted
pilots. Never again were the margins cut so fine, and though many similar
operations took place in the future never did such a catastrophe recur.
* * * * *
It had also become necessary to find a way of sending aircraft to the Middle
East which would avoid both the dangers of the Mediterranean and the fearful
delay around the Cape. An overland route from West Africa would save many
vital days and some shipping. The machines had either to be flown ashore
from an aircraft-carrier, o
2.XI.40.
529
are reaching you by November 15, which must affect local
situation in Egypt.
During Mr. Eden?s earlier conferences and talks with General Wavell and also
with General Wilson, he posed the question, What action was intended if the
Italian offensive did not develop? He was told in extreme secrecy that a plan
was being made to attack the Italians in the Western Desert instead of waiting
for them to open their offensive against Mersa Matruh. Neither he nor Wavell
imparted these ideas to me or to the Chiefs of Staff. General Wavell begged
the Secretary of State for War not to send any telegram on this subject, but to
tell us verbally about it when he got home. Thus for some weeks we remained
without knowledge of the way their minds were moving. It is clear from my
message of October 26 that any forestalling operation on a large scale in the
Western Desert would command my keen support. We were all, however,
until Mr. Eden?s return left under the impression that Wavell and Wilson were
still wedded to the defensive battle at Mersa Matruh, and would wait there
until they were attacked. The only action they seemed to contemplate in this
extremely serious crisis was to send a battalion or so to Crete, a few air
squadrons to Greece, and make some minor diversions against the
Dodecanese and a small though desirable offensive in the Soudan. This
seemed by no means good enough employment for the very large forces with
which, at great risk, exertion, and cost, we had furnished them.
Our correspondence during this period was thus on both sides based upon
misunderstanding. Wavell and the Secretary of State thought that for the sake
of giving ineffectual aid to Greece we were pressing them to dissipate the
forces they were gathering for an offensive in the Western Desert. We, on the
other hand, not crediting them with offensive intentions, objected to their
standing idle or trifling at such a crucial moment. In fact, as will presently be
seen, we were all agreed. On November 1, indeed, Mr. Eden telegraphed
cryptically:
We cannot from Middle East forces send sufficient air or land
reinforcements to have any decisive influence upon course of
fighting in Greece. To send such forces from here, or to divert
reinforcements now on their way or approved, would imperil our
whole position in the Middle East and jeopardise plans for an
offensive operation now being laid in more than one theatre. 3
530
After much painful effort and adestroyers, which have already gone into action
against a U-boat. Kindest regards.
Smuts, far off in South Africa and without the latest information upon the
specialised problems of Insular Air Defence, naturally viewed the tragedy of
France according to orthodox principles: ?Concentrate everything at the
decisive point.? I had the advantage of knowing the facts, and of the detailed
advice of Air Marshal Dowding, head of Fighter Command. If Smuts and I had
been together for half an hour, and I could have put the data before him, we
should have agreed, as we always did on large military issues.
We are of course doing all we can both from the air and by
sending divisions as fast as they can be equipped to France. It
would be wrong to send the bulk of our fighters to this battle,
and when it was lost, as is probable, be left with no means of
carrying on the war. I think we have a harder, longer, and more
hopeful duty to perform. Advantages of resisting German air
Prime Minister to General Smuts.
9.VI.40.
149
attack in this island, where we can concentrate very powerful
fighter strength, and hope to knock out four or five hostiles to
one of ours, are far superior to fighting in France, where we are
inevitably outnumbered and rarely exceed two to one ratio of
destruction, and where our aircraft are often destroyed at
exposed aerodromes. This battle does not turn on the score or so
of fighter squadrons we could transport with their plant in the
next month. Even if by using them up we held the enemy, Hitler
could immediately throw his whole [air
A.A. Defences of Scapa
Surely it would be better to have a conference as I suggested and talk
matters over round a table than that I should have to prepare a paper and
raise the matter as a Cabinet issue? The squandering of our strength
proceeds in every direction, everyone thinking he is serving the country by
playing for safety locally. Our Army is puny as far as the fighting front is
First Lord to First Sea Lord, Controller, D.C.N.S.,
Secretary and A.C.N.S.
12.I.40.
First Lord to Controller. 13.I.40.
First Lord to Naval Secretary. 14.I.40.
First Lord to First Sea Lord. 16.I.40.
570
concerned; our Air Force is hopelessly inferior to the Germans'; we are not
allowed to do anything to stop them receiving their vital supplies of ore; we
maintain an attitude of complete passivity, dispersing our forces ever more
widely; the Navy demands Scapa and Rosyth both to be kept at the highest
point. Do you realise that perhaps we are heading for defeat? I feel I must
do my duty, even in small things, in trying to secure effective concentration
upon the enemy, and in preventing needless dispersion.
Fleet Air Arm? Estimated Cost During the First Twelve Months of the Year
I have been increasingly disquieted about the demand which the Fleet Air
Arm involves upon British war -making resources. None the less this estimate
is a surprise to me, as I had not conceived how enormous was the charge
involved. I have always been a strong advocate of the Fleet Air Arm, in fact I
drafted for Sir Thomas Inskip the compromise decision to which he
eventually came in 1938. I feel all the more responsible for making sure that
the Fleet Air Arm makes a real contribution to the present war in killing and
defeating Germans.
2. When some years ago the Fleet Air Arm was being discussed, the speed
of carrier-borne and shore-based aircraft was not unequal; but since then
the shore-based development has been such as to make it impossible for
carrier-borne aircraft to compete with shore-based. This left the Fleet Air
Arm the most important duties of reconnaissance in the ocean spaces, of
spotting during an action with surface ships and launching torpedo seaplane
attacks upon them. However, there are very few surface ships of the enemy,
and one can only consider the possible break-out of a German raider or fast
battleship as potential targets. Provision must be made for this; but certainly
it does not justify anything like this immense expenditure.
3. On thwas the most humane, when he thought about it, Huo Dou did not resemble any of the four princes.
Qiu Chuji said, ?I?m afraid that a man of his stature coming to create havoc here has an ulterior motive. His kung fu originates from Western Tibet; he arrived in the central plains at the beginning of the year. He wounded the three heroes of Henan, and later on he single-handedly killed the seven Lords of Lanzhou. His name was spread widely throughout the land, we didn?t predict that he would have the nerve to come to our sect and cause trouble. The other Tibetan monk is called Da?erba; he has supernatural strength, and his kung fu is from the same school as Huo Dou. It appears that he is the senior apprentice brother. He is a monk, of course he hasn?t come here to get married; he?s here to aid Huo Dou.
When the rest of the evil men heard the two were coming, they remembered the matter of dueling for marriage. Years ago, in front of a crowd of people, Li Mochou had said the tomb contained mountains of treasures, and had countless kung fu manuscripts and manuals; saying there was the formulae to the ?Eighteen Subduing Dragon Palms?, the ?Solitary Yang Finger? and numerous others. Although the crooks and scoundrels were unsure, they thought that if they went up to the mountain and opened up the tomb, they would be able to get a share of the spoils. About one hundred or so of them came up the mountain. Originally our ?Big Dipper Formation? could have easily repelled them away from the foot of our mountain, not allowing them to come through and teach them not to take one step into Chongyang Palace. We were resisting them when the misunderstanding occurred; there is no need to say anymore.?
Guo Jing felt very guilty and apologetic, and wanted to say a few words of apology. Qiu Chuji waved his hand and laughed, ?Letting a laugh out rids your worries and the moon is still in the sky above the western lake. The halls and buildings are just objects; human possessions mean nothing, so why worry about them? You have honed your martial arts for the last ten years, could it be that you do not understand the meaning of this??
Guo Jing laughed and said, ?Yes!?
Qiu Chuji laughed and said, ?Actually when I saw the back courtyard being burned down to the ground, I was very angry and furious, but after a while I calmed down. Compared to how calm apprentice brother Ma was, I am nowhere as enlightened as he is.?
Guo Jing said, ?You can?t blame yourself for getting angris over; and it
would be very good if all the returning forces could scrub and search the
South Atlantic on their way home for the Altmark. I feel that we ought to
bring home all that are not absolutely needed. The Northern Patrol will
require constant support in two, or better still three, reliefs from the Clyde
as long as we stay there. I agree with Captain Tennant that the German
Admiralty will be most anxious to do something to get their name back.
Perhaps you will let me know what you think about these ideas.
I was also most anxious about the Exeter, and could not accept the proposals made to me
to leave her unrepaired in the Falkland Islands till the end of the war.
This preliminary report of damage to Exeter shows the tremendous fire to
which she was exposed and the determination with which she was fought. It
also reflects high credit on the Constructors' Department that she should
have been able to stand up to such a prolonged and severe battering. This
story will have to be told as soon as possible, omitting anything undesirable
[i.e., what the enemy should not knowhave you that Southern Ireland, or the
Irish Republic as they claim to be, will not declare neutrality if we
are engaged in war with some powerful nation? The first step
certainly which such an enemy would take would be to offer
complete immunity of every kind to Southern Ireland if she would
remain neutral. You cannot exclude this possibility of neutrality as
being one which may come within the immediate sphere of our
experience. The ports may be denied us in the hour of need, and we
may be hampered in the gravest manner in protecting the British
population from privation and even starvation. Who would wish to
put his head in such a noose? Is there any other country in the
world where such a step would even have been contemplated? It
would be an easy step for a Dublin Government to deny the ports to
us once we have gone. The cannon are there, the mines will be
there. But more important for this purpose, the juridical right will be
there. You had the rights; you have ceded them; you hope in their
place to have good will strong enough to endure tribulation for your
sake. Suppose you have it not. It will be no use saying, ?then we will
retake the ports.? You will have no right to do so. To violate Irish
neutrality should it be declared at the moment of a Great War may
put you out of court in the opinion of the world, and may vitiate the
cause by which you may be involved in war. You are casting away
real and important means of security and survival for vain shadows
and for ease.
211
The comment of The Times newspaper was illuminating:
The agreement on defence releases the Government of the United
Kingdom from the articles of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, by
which they assumed the onerous and delicate task of defending the
fortified harbours of Cork, Berehaven, and Lough Swilly in the event
of war.
Further releases might have been obtained by handing over Gibraltar to Spain and Malta to
Italy. Neither touched the actual existence of our population more directly.
With that I leave this lamentable and amazing episode.
212
An Unlikely Historical Controversy ? Hitler's Next Objective ? ?No Evil Intentions Towards
Czechoslovakia? ? M. Blum's Pledge ? My Visit to Paris, March, 1938 ? M. Daladier
Succeeds M. Blum ? The Anglo-Italian Pact ? An Interview with the Sudeten Leader ?
Misgivings and Reluctance of the German Generals ? The Relations of Soviet Russia with
Czechoslovakia ? Stalin and Benes ? Plot and Purge in Russia must be made in flat-bottomed
boats, out of which they can crawl ashore, do a deep raid inland,
cutting a vital communication, and then back, leaving a trail of
German corpses behind them. It is probable that when the best
troops go on to the attack of Paris, only the ordinary German
troops of the line will be left. The lives of these must be made an
intense torment. The following measures should be taken:
1. Proposals for organising the striking companies.
2. Proposals for transporting and landing tanks on the beach,
observing that we are supposed to have the command of the sea,
while the enemy have not.
Prime Minister to General Ismay. 6.VI.40.
246
3. A proper system of espionage and intelligence along the whole
coasts.
4. Deployment of parachute troops on a scale equal to five
thousand.
5. Half a dozen of our fifteen-inch guns should be lined up [i.e.,
with inner tubeson Thursday, saw the gunner in
question and had a rocket fired off. Moreover, it was the
Admiralty Committee over which I presided early in the year
which produced the idea of using these distress rockets. I am,
therefore, well acquainted with the subject. The Air Ministry, not
for the first time, spread itself into very large demands, and,
using its priority, barged in heavily into other forms of not less
important production. I agree that P.A.C.8 rockets may be a good
interim defence against low-flying attack, but they have to take
their place in the general scheme. I thought myself about five
thousand a month would be sufficient, but I am willing to agree
to fifteen hundred a week, or six thousand a month. This figure
could be somewhat extended if the wire -recovery projects you
mention were further developed and proved an effective
economy.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to General Ismay. 25.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air.
25.VIII.40.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War. 25.VIII.40.
666
War Office have accepted from the War Cabinet the responsibility
of dealing with delayed -action bombs. This may become a feature
of the enemy attack. A number were thrown last night into the
City, causing obstruction. They may even try them on Whitehall!
It seems to me that energetic effort should be made to provide
sufficient squads to deal with this form of attack in the large
centres. The squads must be highly mobile, so as not to waste
men and material. They must move in motor lorries quickly from
one point to another. I presume a careful system of reporting all
unexploded bombs and the time at which they fell is in operation,
and that this information will be sent immediately to the delayedaction
section of Home Defence, which has no doubt already
been established, and also the various local branches. The
service, which is highly dangerous, must be considered
particularly honourable, and rewards should follow its successful
discharge.
I should be very glad to see your plans for the new section,
together with numbers, and it will also be interesting to have a
short account of the work done up to date and the methods
employed. I presume you are in touch with all the scientific
authorities you need.
On the other hand, I am asking the Air Ministry for information as
to their reciprocating this process on the enemy.
(General Ismay to see.)
I cannot feel you are justifiedto the utmost in Kenya in
order to reinforce the Soudan. The one concession which is
needed for Kenya is about ten cruiser tanks. If these were put on
suitable vehicles on the railway, they could strike with deadly
effect, and with surprise, at any Italian movement. But the mere
piling-up of guns and brigades is a most painful process to watch.
In order to raise these points, I must ask that the move of the
Prime Minister to Minister of Supply.
23.IX.40.
{Action this day.)
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War and C.I.G.S.
23.IX.40.
683
mountain battery from Aden to Kenya shall be held up, and that
instead the question of moving it or another battery to the
Soudan shall be considered. Please let me have a statement
showing ration, rifle, machine-gun, and artillery strength of all
troops in Kenya.
Am delighted that your ship should be named after the great
Duke of Marlborough, and I am sending you one of his
handwritten letters for your Ward Room for luck. Thank you so
much for your kind message.
Lord Lothian?s proposal to return for a flying visit appeals to me.
Pray authorise it, and arrange it as you think most serviceable
and convenient.
If these facts [about the use of the blind beam for bombing
Prime Minister to Sir Edward Bridges and others concerned. 3.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Sir E. Bridges
4.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Professor Lindemann.
4.VIII.40.
655
plough up 1,500,000 more acres, and instruct the Food
Department to submit a plan both for increasing rations and
building up further food reserves. This should be possible on the
above basis.
The danger of Japanese hostility makes it all the more important
that the German capital ships should be put out of action. I
understand that the Air Force intend to make heavy attacks on
these ships as soon as there is sufficient moon. Scharnhorst and
the Gneisenau, both in floating docks at Kiel, the Bismarck at
Hamburg, and the Tirpitz at Wilhelm-shaven, are all targets of
supreme consequence. Even a few months? delay in Bismarck will
affect the whole balance of sea-power to a serious degree. 1 shall
be glad to hear from you.
I am not satisfied with the volume or quality of information
received from the unoccupied area of France. We seem to be as
much cut off from these territories as from Germany. I do not
wish such reports as are received to be sifted and digested by the
various Intelligence authorities. For the present Major Morton will
inspect them for me and submit what he considers of major
interest. He is to see everything and submit authentic documents
for me in their original form.
Further, I await proposals for improving and extending our
information about France and for keeping a continued flow of
agents moving to and fro. For this purpose naval facilities can, if
necessary, be invoked. So far as the Vichy Government is
concerned, it is not creditable that we have so little information.
To what extent are Americans, Swiss, and Spanish agents being
used?
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air and C.A.S. 4.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
5.VIII.40.
656
What orders are extant for the future production of U.P. multiple
projectors in groups of twenties, tens, fives, and also single
projectors?
What amount of ammunition (a) of the ordinary rocket, (b) of the
aerial mine, (c) of the P.E. fuze, (d) of the radio fuze, is on order?
What are the forecasts of deliveries in the next six months in all
cases?
Presently the P.E. fuze will probably supersede the aerial mine for
use in multiple projectors mounted on H.M. ships. This will entail
an alteration of the projector tubes. The Admiralty should be
asked to study this betimes so that which deprives us of invaluable
resources [fifty Infantry tanks or ?I? tanks
and find themselves in complete agreement with the principles
enunciated in paragraphs 1 to 5.
2. The Commander-in-Chief assures us that the paramount
Prime Minister.
13.VIII.40.
294
importance of immediate counter-attack upon the enemy, should
he obtain a temporary footing on these shores, has been
impressed on all ranks, and that it is his policy to bring back
divisions into reserve as soon as they are adequately trained and
equipped for offensive operations.
3. The Chiefs of Staff also agree with your assessment of the
relative scales of vulnerability to sea-borne attack of the various
sectors of the coast. Indeed, it is remarkable how closely the
present distribution of Home Defence divisions corresponds with
your figures in paragraph 12. This is worked out as follows:
4. Your theoretical scales of defence are:
5. A force of ten divisions, if distributed in the above proportions,
would give three divisions on Sector Forth-Wash, five divisions on
Sector Wash-Dover, and so on. There are, in fact, twenty-six
active divisions in this island, and, if your figures are multiplied by
2.6 and compared with actual distribution of these twenty-six
divisions, the following picture results:
6. The similarity between the two sets of figures is even closer
than appears at first sight, by reason of the fact that the reserve
divisions located immediately north and northwest of London are
available for deployment in either the sector Wash-Dover or the
sector Dover-Portsmouth, and therefore the number of
?available? divisions for these two sectors is variable. A total of
295
fifteen divisions is available on the combined sectors against your
suggested requirements of 16.75.
7. The Chiefs of Staff point out that your figures are based on
scales of sea-borne attack, whereas the actual distribution takes
into account the threat from air-borne attack as well. Thus,
although we may seem at present to be slightly overinsured
along the south coast, the reason for this is that our defences
there can be brought under the enemy fighter ?umbrella? and can
be subjected to assault across the Channel at comparatively short
range.
* * * * *
Even while these documents were being considered and printed, the situation
had begun to change in a decisive manner. Our excellent Intelligence
confirmed that the ?Operation Sea Lion? had been definitely ordered by Hitler
and was in active preparation. It seemed certain that the man was going to
try. M If you keep on talking this rubbish, saying I?m your wife and what not, just watch me cut your head off.? She raised her saber as she said this.
Yang Guo held his head and jumped to the side and pleaded, ?Miss, I won?t say it anymore.?
The girl said, ?Look at you, even an ugly old hag wouldn?t marry you.? Yang Guo laughed foolishly and didn?t reply.
Now, the sky was dark, the two stood in the unkempt land; they turned around, and saw smoke from cooking rising up from the town and both felt hungry.
The young girl said, ?Sha Dan, go to the market and buy ten buns.?
Yang Guo shook his head and said, ?I won?t go.? The young girl?s face turned angry and she said, ?Why not?? Yang Guo said, ?I won?t go! You are tricking me louis vuitton backpacks to go buy some buns so you could sneak off.? The young girl said, ?I said I won?t slip away so I won?t.? Yang Guo shook his head. The girl curled up her fist wanting to hit him but he quickly jumped to the side. The two of them ran around the bull like they were playing hide and seek. The girl was lame and it wasn?t easy for her to move. She saw the boy tripping up in front of her crying and shouting out, yet, although she possessed lightness kung fu, she was still unable to catch up with him.
The girl was furious, she thought about her martial arts, yet for some reason, she had allowed an ugly and smelly country bumpkin Sha Dan to stay on her tail. She had no way to escape, it might be said that she was incompetent. Yang Guo had made himself so much like the character he was supposed to be that when the girl failed three or four times to kill the Sha Dan, she was not suspicious. She followed the main road south and she saw that Yang Guo was holding onto the bull and catching up. She thought that she must find a way to kill him unexpectedly. In the short time it takes to cook rice, the sky had become even darker. She saw an old and run down stone house; it looked abandoned and thought, ?Tonight I?ll sleep here and when that idiot is sleeping in the middle of the night, I?ll kill him with one slash.? She walked towards the house and entered, dust entered her nose, the chairs and tables were broken and it appeared that this house was deserted long ago. She cut some grass and wiped a long table clean; she lay on the table, closed her eyes and rested. She saw that Yang Guo hadn?t followed her, and called out, ?Sha Dan! Sha Dan!? She didn?t hear a reply and thought, ?Could it be that the fool knows that I was going to kill him and left!
strength or determination to use that strength without scruple and without
mercy if he thinks he can do so without getting his blows returned with
interest. I grant that. But I say this too: the very completeness of his
preparations has left him very little margin of strength still to call upon.
This proved an ill-judged utterance. Its main assumption that we and the French were
relatively stronger than at the beginning of the war was not reasonable. As has been
previously explained, the Germans were now in the fourth year of vehement munition
manufacture, whereas we were at a much earlier stage, probably comparable in fruitfulness
to the second year. Moreover, with every month that had passed, the German Army, now
four years old, was becoming a mature and perfected weapon, and the former advantage
of the French Army in training and cohesion was steadily passing away. The Prime Minister
showed no premonition that we were on the eve of great events, whereas it seemed almost
certain to me that the land war was about to begin. Above all, the expression ?Hitler
missed the bus? was unlucky.
All lay in suspense. The various minor expedients I had been able to suggest had gained
acceptance; but nothing of a major character had been done by either side. Our plans,
such as they were, rested upon enforcing the blockade by the mining of the Norwegian
corridor in the North, and by hampering German oil supplies from the Southeast. Complete
immobility and silence reigned behind the German Front. Suddenly, the passive or smallscale
policy of the Allies was swept away by a cataract of violent surprises. We were to
learn what total war means.
440
Lord Chatfield's Retirement ? The Prime Minister Invites Me to Preside over the Military Coordination
Committee ? An Awkward Arrangement ? ?Wilfred? ? Oslo ? The German
Seizure of Norway ? Tragedy of Neutrality ? All the Fleets at Sea ? The ?Glowworm? ?
The ?Renown? Engages the ?Scharnhorst? and ?Gneisenau? ? The Home Fleet off Bergen
? Action by British Submarines ? Warburton-Lee's Flotilla at Narvik ? Supreme War
Council Meets in London, April 9 ? Its Conclusions ? My Minute to the First Sea Lord,
April 10 ? Anger in England ? Debate in Parliament, April 11 ? The ?Warspite? and Her
Flotilla Exterminate the German Destroyers at Narvik ? Letter from the King.
B EFORE RESUMING THE NARRATIVE, I must explain the alterations in my position which
occurred during the month of April, 1940.
Lord Chatfielconquered locally, it would be natural that events should
follow the above course. But if America continued neutral, and we
were overpowered, I cannot tell what policy might be adopted by
a pro-German administration such as would undoubtedly be set
up.
Although President is our best friend, no practical help has
[reached us the hundred
and fifty to two hundred aircraft, and the two hundred and fifty
thousand rifles, also anything else that is going? I consider we
were promised all the above, and more too. Not an hour should
be lost in raising these questions. ?Beg while the iron is hot.?
I am very pleased with this telegram [about the Cavalry Division
in Palestine
Papen proceeded to tell me that all Southeastern Europe to the
borders of Turkey was Germany's natural hinterland, and that he
had been charged with the mission of effecting German economic
and political control over the whole of this region. He blandly and
directly said that getting control of Austria was to be the first step.
He intended to use his reputation as a good Catholic to gain
influence with Austrians like Cardinal Innitzer. The German
Government was determined to gain control of Southeastern Europe.
There was nothing to stop them. The policy of the United States, like
that of France and England, was not ?realistic.?
Amid these tragedies and alarms, the aged Marshal Hindenburg, who had, for some
months, been almost completely senile and so more than ever a tool of the Reichswehr,
expired. Hitler became the head of the German State while retaining the office of
83
Chancellor. He was now the Sovereign of Germany. His bargain with the Reichswehr had
been sealed and kept by the blood-purge. The Brown Shirts had been reduced to
obedience and reaffirmed their loyalty to the Fuehrer. All foes and potential rivals had been
extirpated from their ranks. Henceforward they lost their influence and became a kind of
special constabulary for ceremonial occasions. The Black Shirts, on the other hand,
increased in numbers and strengthened by privileges and discipline, became under Himmler
a Praetorian Guard for the person of the Fuehrer, a counterpoise to the Army leaders and
military caste, and also political troops to arm with considerable military force the activities
of the expanding secret police or Gestapo. It was only necessary to invest these powers
with the formal sanction of a managed plebiscite to make Hitler's dictatorship absolute and
perfect.
* * * * *
Events in Austria drew France and Italy together, and the shock of the Dolfuss
assassination led to General Staff contacts. The menace to Austrian independence
promoted a revision of Franco -Italian relations, and this had to comprise not only the
balance of power in the Mediterranean and North Africa, but the relative positions of France
and Italy in Southeastern Europe. But Mussolini was anxious, not only to safeguard Italy's
position in Europe against the potential German threat, but also to secure her imperial
future in Africa. Against Germany, close relations with France and Great Britain would be
useful; but in the Mediterranean and Africa, disagreements wit Some further reinforcement will be required for Narvik, which
must be studied at once. The Canadians should be considered.
9. At the same time, the sweep of the Skagerrak will now become possible
to clear away the enemy anti -submarine craft and aid our submarines.
The next day I explained to the War Cabinet the circumstances in which it had been
decided to call off the direct assault on Trondheim, and stated that the new plan which the
Prime Minister had approved was, broadly, to send the whole of the 1st Light Division of
Chasseurs Alpins to General Carton de Wiart for his attack on the Trondheim area from the
north and to send the regular brigades from France to reinforce Brigadier Morgan, who had
landed at Andalsnes and had pushed on troops to hold Dombas. Another Territorial brigade
would be put in on the southern line. It might be possible to push part of this southern
473
force right forward to reinforce the Norwegians on the Oslo front. We had been fortunate in
getting all our troops ashore, without loss so far (except of the ship carrying all Brigadier
Morgan's vehicles), and the present plans provided for the disembarkation of some twentyfive
thousand men by the end of the first week in May. The French had offered two further
light divisions. The chief limiting factor was the provision of the necessary bases and lines
of communication on which the forces were to be maintained. The bases would be liable to
heavy air attack.
The Secretary of State for War then said that the new plan was little less hazardous than
the direct attack on Trondheim. Until we had secured the Trondheim aerodrome, little could
be done to offset the heavy scale of enemy air attack. Nor was it altogether correct to
describe the new plan as a ?pincer movement? against Trondheim, since while the northern
force would bring pressure to bear in the near future, the first task of the southern force
must be to secure themselves against a German attack from the south. It might well be a
month before any serious move could be made against Trondheim from this direction. This
was a sound criticism. General Ironside, however, strongly supported the new movement,
expressing the hope that General Carton de Wiart, who when reinforced by the French
would have, he said, quite a large force at his disposal, a large part of which would be
highly mobile, might get astride of the railway from Trondheim to Sweden. The troops
already at Dombas had no guns or transpoI stressed the disadvantages which an
occupation of Norway by the British would have for us: the control
of the approaches to the Baltic, the outflanking of our naval
operations and of our air attacks on Britain, the end of our pressure
on Sweden. I also stressed the advantages for us of the occupation
of the Norwegian coast: outlet to the North Atlantic, no possibility of
a British mine barrier, as in the year 1917/18. The Fuehrer saw at
once the significance of the Norwegian problem; he asked me to
leave the notes and stated that he wished to consider the question
himself.
Rosenberg, the Foreign Affairs expert of the Nazi Party, and in charge of a special bureau
to deal with propaganda activities in foreign countries, shared the Admiral's views. He
dreamed of ?converting Scandinavia to the idea of a Nordic community embracing the
northern peoples under the natural leadership of Germany.? Early in 1939, he thought he
404
had discovered an instrument in the extreme Nationalist Party in Norway, which was led by
a former Norwegian Minister of War named Vidkun Quisling. Contacts were established,
and Quisling's activity was linked with the plans of the German Naval Staff through the
Rosenberg organisation and the German Naval Attach?in Oslo.
Quisling and his assistant, Hagelin, came to Berlin on December 14, and were taken by
Raeder to Hitler, to discuss a political stroke in Norway. Quisling arrived with a detailed
plan. Hitler, careful of secrecy, affected reluctance to increase his commitments, and said
he would prefer a neutral Scandinavia. Nevertheless, according to Raeder, it was on this
very day that he gave the order to the Supreme Command to prepare for a Norwegian
operation.
Of all this we, of course, knew nothing. The two Admiralties thought with precision along
the same lines in correct strategy, and one had obtained decisions from its Government.
* * * * *
Meanwhile, the Scandinavian peninsula became the scene of an unexpected conflict which
aroused strong feeling in Britain and France, and powerfully affected the discussions about
Norway. As soon as Germany was involved in war with Great Britain and France, Soviet
Russia in the spirit of her pact with Germany proceeded to block the lines of entry into the
Soviet Union from the west. One passage led from East Prussia through the Baltic States;
another led across the waters of the Gulf of Finland; the third route was through Finland
itself and across the Kareliafactories, but if our air
defence is so strong that enemy can only come on dark nights
precision will not be easy. I therefore feel solid confidence in
British ability to continue the war, defend the island and the
Empire, and maintain the blockade.
I do not know whether it will be possible to keep France in the
war or not. I hope they will, even at the worst, maintain a
gigantic guerrilla. We are reconstituting the B.E.F. out of other
units.
We must be careful not to let Americans view too complacently
Prime Minister to Mr. Mackenzie King.
5.VI.40.
148
prospect of a British collapse, out of which they would get the
British Fleet and the guardianship of the British Empire, minus
Great Britain. If United States were in the war and England
[were
under cover of the guns of the Fleet [should beis
witnessing the readjustment of frontiers laid down in the Treaty of
Versailles. I do not know whether the people who were responsible
for those frontiers thought they would remain permanently as they
were laid down. I doubt very much whether they did. They probably
expected that from time to time the frontiers would have to be
adjusted. It is impossible to conceive that those people would be
such supermen as to be able to see what would be the right
frontiers for all time. The question is not whether those frontiers
should be readjusted from time to time, but whether they should be
readjusted by negotiation and discussion or be readjusted by war.
Readjustment is going on, and in the case of the Hungarian frontier
arbitration by Germany and Italy has been accepted by
Czechoslovakia and Hungary for the final determination of the
frontier between them. I think I have said enough about
Czechoslovakia.
There was, however, to be a later occasion.
* * * * *
I wrote on November 17, 1938:
Everyone must recognise that the Prime Minister is pursuing a policy of a
most decided character and of capital importance. He has his own strong
view about what to do, and about what is going to happen. He has his own
253
standard of values; he has his own angle of vision. He believes that he can
make a good settlement for Europe and for the British Empire by coming to
terms with Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini. No one impugns his motives. No
one doubts his conviction or his courage. Besides all this, he has the power
to do what he thinks best. Those who take a different view, both of the
principles of our foreign policy and of the facts and probabilities with which
our country has to deal, are bound to recognise that we have no power at all
to prevent him, by the resources and methods which are at his disposal,
from taking the course in which he sincerely believes. He is willing to take
the responsibility; he has the right to take the responsibility; and we are
going to learn, in a comparatively short time, what he proposes should
happen to us.
The Prime Minister is persuaded that Herr Hitler seeks no further territorial
expansion upon the Continent of Europe; that the mastering and absorption
of the Republic of Czechoslovakia has satiated the appetite of the German
Nazi regime. It may be that he wishes to induce the Conservative Party to
return to Germany the mandated territories in British possession, or what is
judged to be their fuas the middle of April, the Soviet Government entered
into negotiations with the British and French Governments about the
necessary measures to be taken. The negotiations started then are not yet
concluded. It became clear some time ago that if there was any real desire
to create an efficient front of peaceable countries against the advance of
aggression, the following minimum conditions were imperative:
The conclusion between Great Britain, France, and the U.S.S.R. of an
effective pact of mutual assistance against aggression, of an exclusively
defensive character.
A guarantee on the part of Great Britain, France, and the U.S.S.R. of the
states of Central and Eastern Europe, including without exception all the
European countries bordering on the U.S.S.R., against an attack by
aggressors.
The conclusion between Great Britain, France, and the U.S.S.R. of a definite
agreement on the forms and extent of the immediate and effective
assistance to be rendered to one another and to the guaranteed states in
the event of an attack by aggressors.
The negotiations had come to a seemingly unbreakable deadlock. The Polish and Rumanian
Governments, while accepting the British guarantee, were not prepared to accept a similar
undertaking in the same form from the Russian Government. A similar attitude prevailed in
another vital strategic quarter? the Baltic States. The Soviet Government made it clear that
they would only adhere to a pact of mutual assistance if Finland and the Baltic States were
included in a general guarantee. All four countries now refused, and perhaps in their terror
would for a long time have refused, such a condition. Finland and Esthonia even asserted
that they would consider a guarantee extended to them without their assent as an act of
aggression. On the same day, May 31, Esthonia and Latvia signed non-aggression pacts
with Germany. Thus Hitler penetrated with ease into the frail defences of the tardy,
irresolute coalition against him.
288
The Threat to Danzig ? General Gamelin Invites Me to Visit the Rhine Front ? A Tour with
General Georges ? Some Impressions ? French Acceptance of the Defensive ? The
Position of Atomic Research ? My Note on Air Defence ? Renewed Efforts to Agree with
Soviet Russia ? Polish Obstruction ? The Military Conversations in Moscow ? Stalin's
Account to Me in 1942 ? A Record in Deceit ? Ribbentrop Invited to Moscow ? The
Russo-German Non-Aggression Treaty ? The News Breaks upon the Worlships? as they
were called, in hand for an emergency dash through the Mediterranean.
In all the circumstances it would be impossible to withdraw the
New Zealand Brigade from their forward position on the Dover
promontory. The two cruiser-tank battalions cannot go. Would it
not be better to keep the Australians back and delay the whole
convoy until the third week in October? After all, none of these
forces going round the Cape can possibly arrive in time to
influence the impending battle in Egypt. But they may play a big
part here. Perhaps by the third week in October the Admiralty will
be prepared to run greater risks. Anyhow, we cannot afford to
make sure that the New Zealanders and the tank battalions are
out of action throughout October in either theatre.
Be careful that the Glen ships are not got out of the way so that
it will be impossible to take the armoured reinforcements through
the Mediterranean if the need is sufficient to justify the risk. I
don?t want to be told there are no suitable vessels available.
Let me know what other ships would be available if we should
decide to run a convoy from west to east through the
Mediterranean about the third week in October.
Although it was a fine September, I was frightened of fog.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for the Chiefs of Staff Committee. 17.IX.40
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
19.IX.40.
455
Pray send a copy of this report by First Sea Lord [about invasion
in fogabout offensive
action: when the Australians arrive it is a question whether they
should not be organised in detachments of 250, equipped with
grenades, trench-mortars, tommy-guns, armoured vehicles and
the like, capable of acting against an attack in this country, but
also capable of landing on the friendly coasts now held by the
enemy. We have got to get out of our minds the idea that the
Channel ports and all the country between them are enemy
territory. What arrangements are being made for good agents in
Denmark, Holland, Belgium, and along the French coast?
Enterprises must be prepared, with specially trained troops of the
hunter class, who can develop a reign of terror down these
coasts, first of all on the ?butcher and bolt? policy; but later on,
or perhaps as soon as we are organised, we could surprise Calais
or Boulogne, kill and capture the Hun garrison, and hold the
place until all the preparations to reduce it by siege or heavy
storm have been made, and then away. The passive-resistance
war, in which we have acquitted ourselves so well, must come to
an end. I look to the Joint Chiefs of the Staff to propose me
measures for a vigorous, enterprising, and ceaseless offensive
against the whole German-occupied coastline. Tanks and A.F.V.s
[Armoured Fighting Vehiclessaid they picked up
no fewer than eighty German machines brought down over the
land alone. This gives us a very good line for our own purposes. I
must say I am a little impatient about the American scepticism.
The event is what will decide all.
* * * * *
On August 20 I could report to Parliament:
The enemy is of course far more numerous than we are. But our
new production already largely exceeds his, and the American
production is only just beginning to flow in. Our bomber and
fighter strengths now, after all this fighting, are larger than they
have ever been. We believe that we should be able to continue
the air struggle indefinitely and as long as the enemy pleases,
and the longer it continues, the more rapid will be our approach
first towards that parity, and then into that superiority, in the air,
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air. 21.VIII.40.
321
upon which in large measure the decision of the war depends.
Up till the end of August, Goering did not take an unfavourable view of the air
conflict. He and his circle believed that the English ground organisation and
aircraft industry and the fighting strength of the R.A.F. had already been
severely damaged. They estimated that since August 8 we had lost 1115
aircraft against the German losses of 467. But of course each side takes a
hopeful view, and it is in the interest of their leaders that they should. There
was a spell of fine weather in September, and the Luftwaffe hoped for
decisive results. Heavy attacks fell upon our aerodrome installations round
London, and on the night of the 6th, sixty-eight aircraft attacked London,
followed on the 7th by the first large-scale attack of about three hundred. On
this and succeeding days, during which our anti-aircraft guns were doubled in
numbers, very hard and continuous air fighting took place over the capital,
and the Luftwaffe were still confident through their overestimation of our
losses. But we now know that the German Naval Staff, in anxious regard for
their own interests and responsibilities, wrote in their diary on September 10:
There is no sign of the defeat of the enemy?s air force over
Southern England and in the Channel area, and this is vital to a
further judgment of the situation. The preliminary attacks by the
Luftwaffe have indeed achieved a noticeable weakening of the
enemy?s fighter defence, so that considerable German fighter
superiority can be assumed over the English area. However ? we
have till after the end of 1940. Beware lest these fortification
people and other departmentals do not consume our strength upon longscale
developments which cannot mature till after the climax which settles
our fate.
I see the departments full of loose fat, following on undue starvation. It
would be much better from your point of view to come along with your
alguazils as critics upon wasteful exhibitions, rather than delaying action.
Don't hamper departments acting in a time of crisis; give them the
responsibility; but call them swiftly to account for any failure in thrift.
I hope you will not mind me writing to you upon this subject, because I feel
just as strongly about the husbanding of the money power as I do about the
war effort, of which it is indeed an integral part. In all these matters you can
count on my support, and also, as the head of a spending department, upon
my submission to searching superintendence.
* * * * *
In every war in which the Royal Navy has claimed the command of the seas, it has had to
pay the price of exposing immense targets to the enemy. The privateer, the raiding cruiser,
and above all the U-boat, have in all the varying forms of war exacted a heavy toll upon the
life-lines of our commerce and food-supply. A prime function of defence has, therefore,
always been imposed upon us. From this fact the danger arises of our being driven or
subsiding into a defensive naval strategy and habit of mind. Modern developments have
aggravated this tendency. In the two Great Wars, during parts of which I was responsible
for the control of the Admiralty, I have always sought to rupture this defensive obsession
by searching for forms of counter-offensive. To make the enemy wonder where he is going
to be hit next may bring immeasurable relief to the process of shepherding hundreds of
convoys and thousands of merchantmen safely into port. In the First World War I hoped to
find in the Dardanelles, and later in an attack upon Borkum and other Frisian islands, the
means of regaining the initiative, and forcing the weaker naval power to study his own
problems rather than ours. Called to the Admiralty again in 1939, and as soon as
immediate needs were dealt with and perils warded off, I could not rest content with the
policy of ?convoy and blockade.? I sought earnestly for a way of attacking Germany by
naval means.
First and foremost gleamed the Baltic. The command of the Baltic by a British Fleet carried
with it possiyou have taken a
very bold and wise decision. I hope to reinforce you as soon as
possible.
I should propose to make immediate arrangements to send four
additional heavy bomber squadrons (including the one already
sent to Malta) to the Middle East at once, and also four Hurricane
fighter squadrons. Let me see plans for this movement. I should
like to have a report on this today.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 30.X.40.
Prime Minister to Air Vice-Marshal Longmore. 2
1.XI.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.A.S. and for C.O.S.
Committee.
1.XI.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 1.XI.40.
528
Mr. Eden has asked for ten thousand rifles for the Middle East.
Can we not supply these out of the American packet, or is there
any small parcel of rifles anywhere in the world to be picked up?
1. I had in mind that the four bomber squadrons would fly to
Crete or Greece via Malta. The personnel and ground stores
would have to be carried through by cruiser. It is essential to
have these squadrons operating at the earliest from bases in
Greek territory upon the Italian Fleet at Taranto, and generally
against Southern For so vital an operation of war the Navy would
have to make special exertions, and you should not assume that
a ship will not be forthcoming, at any rate for such ground
personnel, stores, etc., as are necessary to come into action at
this very critical time. I see more difficulty in the vehicles, but
perhaps some could come from Egypt, and the rest be
improvised.
2. The fighters are, of course, more difficult, but I should hope
that they could fly from a carrier to Malta, as was done last time.
If necessary, the Furious would have to help the Ark Royal. Could
they fly from Malta to an aerodrome in Greece? If not, could they
fly on to a carrier to refuel, and thence to Greece? In the case of
the fighters the same arrangements would have to be made
about stores, ground personnel, etc., as with the bombers.
Greek situation must be held to dominate others now. We are
well aware of our slender resources. Aid to Greece must be
attentively studied lest whole Turkish position is lost through
proof that England never tries to keep her guarantees. I invite
you to stay in Cairo for at least another week while these
questions are being studied and we make sure we have done our
best from both ends. Meanwhile, another thirty thousand men
Prime Minister to C.A.S.
2.XI.40.
Prim though eminently desirable, is not essential to
the seizure and retention of the iron-fields. While therefore every
preparation to send the Fleet in should continue, and strong efforts
should be made, it would be wrong to try it unless we can see our
way to maintaining it under air attack, and still more wrong to make
the seizure of the iron -fields dependent upon the sending of a
surface fleet. Let us advance with confidence and see how the naval
side develops as events unfold.
And again a week later:
I have carefully considered all the papers you have been good enough to
send me in reply to my various minutes about ?Catherine.? I have come
reluctantly but quite definitely to the conclusion that the operation we
outlined in the autumn will not be practicable this year. We have not yet
obtained sufficient mastery over U-boats, mines, and raiders to enable us to
fit for their special duties the many smaller vessels required. The problem of
making our ships comparatively secure against air attack has not been
solved. The dive-bomber remains a formidable menace. The rockets [called
for secrecy ?the U.P. weapon,? i.e., unrotated projectile These ships will be used to
defend the possessions and territories of France. Unless we are
attacked by the British, they will never be used against England.
Even if I wanted to, I cannot sell those ships. It is impossible
under the terms of the armistice, and even if it were possible it
would never be permitted by the Germans. France is under
Germany?s heel and impotent. I would gladly sell them, if I were
free, on condition that they be returned to us after the war, and
save them for France in this way. I must repeat I have neither
the right nor the possibility of selling them under present
circumstances.
Marshal P?tain had made this statement with great seriousness, but with no
sign of either surprise or resentment at the suggestion. President Roosevelt
had further instructed the Charg? d?Affaires to inform Marshal P?tain that the
American offer remained open both dolce and gabbana uk about these vessels as well as about any
others in the French Navy.
On November 23, the President sent me further reassurances. Marshal P?tain
had stated categorically that he would keep the vessels now at Dakar and
Casablanca where they were, and that if there was any change in this plan he
would give the President previous notice.
* * * * *
The attitude of Spain was of even more consequence to us than that of Vichy,
with which it was so closely linked. Spain had much to give and even more to
take away. We had been neutral in the sanguinary Spanish Civil War. General
Franco owed little or nothing to us, but much ? perhaps life itself ? to the Axis
Powers. Hitler and Mussolini had come to his aid. He disliked and feared
Hitler. He liked and did not fear Mussolini. At the beginning of the World War,
Spain had declared, and since then strictly observed, neutrality. A fertile and
needful trade flowed between our two countries, and the iron ore from
512
Biscayan ports was important for our munitions. But now in May the ?Twilight
War? was over. The might of Nazi Germany was proved. The French front was
broken. The Allied armies of the North were in peril. It was at this moment
that I had gladly offered to a former colleague, displaced by the Ministerial
changes, a new sphere of responsibility, for which his gifts and temperament
were suited. On May 17 Sir Samuel Hoare had been appointed Ambassador to
Spain, and certainly I believe that no one could have carried out better this
wearing, delicate, and cardinal five years? mission. Thus we were very well
represenarmoured divisions with two or three infantry
divisions have advanced through gap and large masses hurrying
forward behind them. Two great dangers therefore threaten. First
that B.E.F. will be largely left in the air to make a difficult
disengagement and retreat to the old line. Secondly, that the
German thrust will wear down the French resistance before it can
be fully gathered.
Orders given to defend Paris at all costs, but archives of the Quai
d?Orsay already burning in the garden. I consider the next two,
three, or four days decisive for Paris and probably for the French
Army. Therefore the question we must face is whether we can
give further aid in fighters above four squadrons, for which the
French are very grateful, and whether a larger part of our longrange
heavy bombers should be employed tomorrow and the
following nights upon the German masses crossing the Meuse
and flowing into the Bulge. Even so results cannot be
55
guaranteed; but the French resistance may be broken up as
rapidly as that of Poland unless this battle of the Bulge is won. I
personally feel that we should send squadrons of fighters
demanded (i.e., six more) tomorrow, and, concentrating all
available French and British aviation, dominate the air above the
Bulge for the next two or three days, not for any local purpose,
but to give the last chance to the French Army to rally its bravery
and strength. It would not be good historically if their requests
were denied and their ruin resulted. Also night bombardment by
a strong force of heavy bombers can no doubt be arranged. It
looks as if the enemy was by now fully extended both in the air
and tanks. We must not underrate the increasing difficulties of his
advance if strongly counter-attacked. I imagine that if all fails
here we could still shift what is left of our own air striking force to
assist the B.E.F. should it be forced to withdraw. I again
emphasise the mortal gravity of the hour, and express my opinion
as above. Kindly inform me what you will do. Dill agrees. I must
have answer by midnight in order to encourage the French.
Telephone to Ismay at Embassy in Hindustani.
The reply came at about 11.30. The Cabinet said ?Yes.? I immediately took
Ismay off with me in a car to M. Reynaud?s flat. We found it more or less in
darkness. After an interval M. Reynaud emerged from his bedroom in his
dressing-gown and I told him the favourable news. Ten fighter squadrons! I
then persuaded him to se
The question of their alternative uses ought to...
08:14, 2010-Jan-1
.. Link
The question of their alternative uses ought to be
considered by the Admiralty. I expect they have a large number
of skilled ratings on board. Could I have a list of these ships, their
tonnage, speeds, etc. Could they not carry troops or stores while
plying on their routes?
* * * * *
My indignation at the denial of the Southern Irish ports mounted under these
pressures.
* * * * *
Prime Minister to Minister of Transport.
27.XII.40.
Prime Minister to First Lord.
29.XII.40.
Prime Minister to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
1.XII.40.
599
The straits to which we are being reduced by Irish action compel
a reconsideration of these subsidies [to Ireland Prien left Kiel on October 8, a clear
bright autumn day, and passed through Kiel Canal? course N.N.W.,
Scapa Flow. On October 13, at 4 A.M., the boat was lying off the
Orkneys. At 7 P.M.? Surface; a fresh breeze blowing, nothing in
sight; looming in the half darkness the line of the distant coast; long
streamers of Northern Lights flashing blue wisps across the sky.
Course West. The boat crept steadily closer to Holm Sound, the
eastern approach to Scapa Flow. Unfortunate it was that these
channels had not been completely blocked. A narrow passage lay
open between two sunken ships. With great skill Prien steered
through the swirling waters. The shore was close. A man on a
bicycle could be seen going home along the coast road. Then
suddenly the whole bay opened out. Kirk Sound was passed. They
were in. There under the land to the north could be seen the great
shadow of a battleship lying on the water, with the great mast rising
above it like a piece of filigree on a black cloth. Near, nearer? all
367
tubes clear? no alarm, no sound but the lap of the water, the low
hiss of air pressure and the sharp click of a tube lever. Los! [Fire!troops know they are cutting their way home to
Blighty. Never was there such a spur for fighting. We shall give
you all that the Navy and Air Force can do. Anthony Eden is with
me now and joins his good wishes to mine.
[Enclosure.
Libyan communications while they last.
Let me have the number of A.A. guns now in position, and the
whole maximum content [of them inCunningham says that the only
suitable day for ?Menace? [Dakarof individuals. I
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to C.A.S. and General Ismay. 28.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to the Prime Ministers of Australia and New
Zealand.
11.VIII.40.
425
do not think myself that Japan will declare war unless Germany
can make a successful invasion of Britain. Once Japan sees that
Germany has either failed or dares not try, I look for easier times
in the Pacific. In adopting against the grain a yielding policy
towards Japanese threats, we have always in mind your interests
and safety.
Should Japan nevertheless declare war on us, her first objective
outside the Yellow Sea would probably be the Dutch East Indies.
Evidently the United States would not like this. What they would
do we cannot tell. They give no undertaking of support, but their
main fleet in the Pacific must be a grave preoccupation to the
Japanese Admiralty. In this first phase of an Anglo-Japanese war
we should, of course, defend Singapore, which if attacked ?
which is unlikely ? ought to stand a long siege. We should also be
able to base on Ceylon a battle cruiser and a fast aircraft-carrier,
which with all the Australian and New Zealand cruisers and
destroyers, which would return to you, would act as a very
powerful deterrent upon the hostile raiding cruisers.
We are about to reinforce with more first-class units the Eastern
Mediterranean Fleet. This fleet could, of course, at any time be
sent through the Canal into the Indian Ocean, or to relieve
Singapore. We do not want to do this, even if Japan declares
war, until it is found to be vital to your safety. Such a
transference would entail the complete loss of the Middle East,
and all prospect of beating Italy in the Mediterranean would be
gone. We must expect heavy attacks on Egypt in the near future,
and the Eastern Mediterranean Fleet is needed to help in repelling
them. If these attacks succeed, the Eastern Fleet would have to
leave the Mediterranean either through the Canal or by Gibraltar.
In either case a large part of it would be available for your
protection. We hope, however, to maintain ourselves in Egypt,
and to keep the Eastern Fleet at Alexandria during the first phase
of an Anglo-Japanese war, should that occur. No one can lay
down beforehand what is going to happen. We must just weigh
events from day to day, and use our available resources to the
utmost.
426
A final question arises: whether Japan, having declared war,
would attempt to invade Australia or New from Malta will hamper the
sending of further reinforcements ? Italian or German ? from
Europe into Africa.
18. All this might be put effectively in train by October 1,
provided we are allowed the time. If not, we must do what we
can. All trained or Regular units, whether fully equipped or not,
must be used in defence of the Delta. All armed white men and
also Indian or foreign units must be used for internal security.
The Egyptian Army must be made to play its part in support of
the Delta front, thus leaving only riotous crowds to be dealt with
in Egypt proper.
Pray let the above be implemented and be ready to discuss it in
detail with me at 4.30 P.M., August 16.
With this General Wavell returned to Cairo in the third week of August.
* * * * *
I now have to record a small but at the time vexatious military episode. The
Italians, using vastly superior forces, drove us out of Somaliland. This story
requires to be told.
Until December, 1939, our policy in a war with Italy was to evacuate
Somaliland; but in that month General Ironside, C.I.G.S., declared for defence
of the territory, and in the last resort to hold Berbera. Defences were to be
prepared to defend the Tug Argen Gap through the hills. One British battalion
(the Black Watch), two Indian, and two East African battalions, with the
Somaliland Camel Corps and one African light battery, with small detachments
of anti-tank and anti-aircraft units, were gathered by the beginning of August.
General Wavell on July 21 telegraphed to the War Office that withdrawal
without fighting would be disastrous for our influence, and that Somaliland
might be a valuable base for further offensive action. Fighting began during
his visit to London, and he told the Middle East Ministerial Committee that,
although the strategic disadvantages of the loss of Somaliland would be slight,
it would be a blow to our prestige.
The Italians entered British Somaliland on August 3 with three battalions of
423
Italian infantry, fourteen of colonial infantry, two groups of pack artillery, and
detachments of medium tanks, light tanks, and armoured cars. These large
forces advanced upon us on August 10, and a new British commander,
General Godwin Austen, arrived on the night of the 11th. In his instructions he
had been told, ?Your task is to prevent any Italian advance beyond the main
position? . You will take the necessary steps for withdrawal if necessary.?
Fighting took place on the 12th and 13th, which deprives us of invaluable
resources [fifty Infantry tanks or ?I? tanks Some further reinforcement will be required for Narvik, which
must be studied at once. The Canadians should be considered.
9. At the same time, the sweep of the Skagerrak will now become possible
to clear away the enemy anti -submarine craft and aid our submarines.
The next day I explained to the War Cabinet the circumstances in which it had been
decided to call off the direct assault on Trondheim, and stated that the new plan which the
Prime Minister had approved was, broadly, to send the whole of the 1st Light Division of
Chasseurs Alpins to General Carton de Wiart for his attack on the Trondheim area from the
north and to send the regular brigades from France to reinforce Brigadier Morgan, who had
landed at Andalsnes and had pushed on troops to hold Dombas. Another Territorial brigade
would be put in on the southern line. It might be possible to push part of this southern
473
force right forward to reinforce the Norwegians on the Oslo front. We had been fortunate in
getting all our troops ashore, without loss so far (except of the ship carrying all Brigadier
Morgan's vehicles), and the present plans provided for the disembarkation of some twentyfive
thousand men by the end of the first week in May. The French had offered two further
light divisions. The chief limiting factor was the provision of the necessary bases and lines
of communication on which the forces were to be maintained. The bases would be liable to
heavy air attack.
The Secretary of State for War then said that the new plan was little less hazardous than
the direct attack on Trondheim. Until we had secured the Trondheim aerodrome, little could
be done to offset the heavy scale of enemy air attack. Nor was it altogether correct to
describe the new plan as a ?pincer movement? against Trondheim, since while the northern
force would bring pressure to bear in the near future, the first task of the southern force
must be to secure themselves against a German attack from the south. It might well be a
month before any serious move could be made against Trondheim from this direction. This
was a sound criticism. General Ironside, however, strongly supported the new movement,
expressing the hope that General Carton de Wiart, who when reinforced by the French
would have, he said, quite a large force at his disposal, a large part of which would be
highly mobile, might get astride of the railway from Trondheim to Sweden. The troops
already at Dombas had no guns or transpodo this by fighting his
way to the coast and destroying the armoured troops which stand
between him and the sea with overwhelming force of artillery,
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
24.V.40.
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
25.V.40.
85
while covering himself and the Belgian front, which would also
curl back, by strong rearguards? Tomorrow at latest this decision
must be taken.
It should surely be possible for Dill to fly home from any
aerodrome momentarily clear, and R.A.F. should send a whole
squadron to escort him.
Pray find out who was the officer responsible for sending the
order to evacuate Calais yesterday, and by whom this very
lukewarm telegram I saw this morning was drafted, in which
mention is made of ?for the sake of Allied solidarity.? This is not
the way to encourage men to fight to the end. Are you sure there
is no streak of defeatist opinion in the General Staff?
Something like this should be said to the Brigadier defending
Calais: Defence of Calais to the utmost is of the highest
importance to our country and our Army now. First, it occupies a
large part of the enemy?s armoured forces, and keeps them from
attacking our line of communication. Secondly, it preserves a
sally-port from which portions of the British Army may make their
way home. Lord Gort has already sent troops to your aid, and the
Navy will do all possible to keep you supplied. The eyes of the
Empire are upon the defence of Calais, and His Majesty?s
Government are confident that you and your gallant regiment will
perform an exploit worthy of the British name.
This message was sent to Brigadier Nicholson at about 2 P.M. on May 25.
The final decision not to relieve the garrison was taken on the evening of May
26. Till then the destroyers were held ready. Eden and Ironside were with me
at the Admiralty. We three came out from dinner and at 9 P.M. did the deed. It
involved Eden?s own regiment, in which he had long served and fought in the
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War, and C.I.G.S. 25.V.40.
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
25.V.40.
86
previous struggle. One has to eat and drink in war, but I could not help feeling
physically sick as we afterwards sat silent at the table.
Here was the message to the Brigadier:
Every hour you continue to exist is of the greatest help to the
B.E.F. Government has therefore decided you must continue to
fight. Have greatest possible admiration for your splendid stand.
Evacuation will not (repeat not) taa release from this daily martyrdom.
And I prefer death to witnessing the shame and irreparable
damage of an Italy which has been under Hun domination.
The crime which I am now about to expiate is that of having
witnessed and been disgusted by the cold, cruel, and cynical
preparation for this war by Hitler and the Germans. I was the
only foreigner to see at close quarters this loathsome clique of
bandits preparing to plunge the world into a bloody war. Now, in
accordance with gangster rule, they are planning to suppress a
dangerous witness. But they have miscalculated, for already a
long time ago I put a diary of mine and various documents in a
safe place which will prove, more than I myself could, the crimes
committed by those people with whom later that tragic and vile
puppet Mussolini associated himself through his vanity and
disregard of moral values.
I have made arrangements that as soon as possible after my
death these documents, of the existence of which Sir Percy
Loraine was aware at the time of his Mission in Rome, should be
put at the disposal of the Allied Press.
134
Perhaps what I am offering you today is but little, but that and
my life are all I can offer to the cause of liberty and justice, in the
triumph of which I fanatically believe.
This testimony of mine should be brought to light so that the
world may know, may hate and may remember, and that those
who will have to judge the future should not be ignorant of the
fact that the misfortune of Italy was not the fault of her people
but due to the shameful behaviour of one man.
Yours sincerely
G. CLANO
* * * * *
A speech from President Roosevelt had been announced for the night of the
10th. About midnight I listened to it with a group of officers in the Admiralty
War Room, where I still worked. When he uttered the scathing words about
Italy, ?On this tenth day of June, 1940, the hand that held the dagger has
struck it into the back of its neighbor,? there was a deep growl of satisfaction.
I wondered about the Italian vote in the approaching presidential election; but
I knew that Roosevelt was a most experienced American party politician,
although never afraid to run risks for the sake of his resolves. It was a
magnificent speech, instinct with passion and carrying to us a message of
hope. While the impression was strong upon me, and before going to bed, I
expressed my gratitude.
We all listened to you last night and were fortified by the grand
scope would come to the Admiralty War Room at
12.30 P.M. so that we could look at the maps and talk things over.
British and French advanced forces are already on the Antwerp-
Namur line, and there seem to be very good hopes that this line
will be strongly occupied by the Allied armies before it can be
assailed. This should be achieved in about forty-eight hours, and
might be thought to be very important. Meanwhile the Germans
have not yet forced the Albert Canal, and the Belgians are
reported to be fighting well. The Dutch also are making a
stubborn resistance.
* * * * *
My experiences in those first days were peculiar. One lived with the battle,
upon which all thoughts were centred and about which nothing could be done.
All the time there was the Government to form and the gentlemen to see and
the party balances to be adjusted. I cannot remember, nor do my records
show, how all the hours were spent. A British Ministry at that time contained
between sixty and seventy Ministers of the Crown, and all these had to be
fitted in like a jigsaw puzzle, in this case having regard to the claims of three
Parties. It was necessary for me to see not only all the principal figures, but,
for a few minutes at least, the crowd of able men who were to be chosen for
important tasks. In forming a Coalition Government the Prime Minister has to
attach due weight to the wishes of the party leaders about whom among their
followers shall have the offices allotted to the Party. By this principle I was
mainly governed. If any who deserved better were left out on the advice of
their party authorities, or even in spite of that advice, I can only express
regret. On the whole, however, the difficulties were few.
22
In Clement Attlee I had a colleague of war experience long versed in the
House of Commons. Our only differences in outlook were about Socialism, but
these were swamped by a war soon to involve the almost complete
subordination of the individual to the State. We worked together with perfect
ease and confidence during the whole period of the Government. Mr. Arthur
Greenwood was a wise counsellor of high courage and a good and helpful
friend.
Sir Archibald Sinclair, as official leader of the Liberal Party, found it
embarrassing to accept the office of Air Minister because his followers felt he
should instead have a seat in the War Cabinet. But this ran contrary to the
principle of a small War Cabinet. I therefore proposed that he should join the
aided by gas and
smoke from torpedo-proof transports by means of bullet-proof
lighters. Approximately one hundred should be provided for
landing a division. In addition a number ? say fifty ? tank-landing
lighters should be provided, each carrying a tank or tanks [andfactories, but if our air
defence is so strong that enemy can only come on dark nights
precision will not be easy. I therefore feel solid confidence in
British ability to continue the war, defend the island and the
Empire, and maintain the blockade.
I do not know whether it will be possible to keep France in the
war or not. I hope they will, even at the worst, maintain a
gigantic guerrilla. We are reconstituting the B.E.F. out of other
units.
We must be careful not to let Americans view too complacently
Prime Minister to Mr. Mackenzie King.
5.VI.40.
148
prospect of a British collapse, out of which they would get the
British Fleet and the guardianship of the British Empire, minus
Great Britain. If United States were in the war and England
[were
ADOLF HITLER 5
* * * * *
From this moment the moulds had been shaped for the supreme events of
1941. We, of course, had no knowledge of the bargainings between Germany
and Russia for dividing the spoils of our Empire and for our destruction; nor
could we measure the as yet unformed intentions of Japan. The main troop
movements of the German armies eastward had not yet become apparent to
our active Intelligence Service. Only the infiltration and gradual massing in
Bulgaria and Rumania could be discerned. Had we known what is set forth in
this chapter, we should have been greatly relieved. The combination against
us of Germany, Russia, and Japan was the worst of our fears. But who could
587
tell? Meanwhile, ?Fight on!?
588
Disguised Surface Raiders ? Excursion of the ?Scheer? ? The ?Jervis Bay?
Saves the Convoy ? Further Depredations of the ?Scheer? ? A Surprise for
the ?Hipper? ? Disproportionate Strains ? The U-Boat Peril Dominates ?
Increasing Stranglehold upon the Northwestern Approaches ? Grievous
Losses ? A Cruel Stroke of Fortune ? The Diver?s Anxieties ? Need to Shift
the Control from Plymouth to Liverpool ? Sharp Contraction of Imports ?
Losses off the Bloody Foreland ? Withdrawal of the Irish Subsidies ? My
Telegram to the President of December 13 ? A Sombre Admiralty Proposal ?
The Dynamite Carpet ? Reinforcement and Stimulation of the Air Force
Coastal Command ? Eventual Success of Their Counter-Offensive.
T HE destruction of the Graf Spee in the action off the Plate in December
1939, had brought to an abrupt end the first German campaign against our
shipping in the wide oceans. The fighting in Norway had, as we have seen,
paralysed for the time being the German Navy in home waters. What was left
of it was necessarily reserved for the invasion project. Admiral Raeder, whose
ideas on the conduct of the German war at sea were technically sound, had
some difficulty in carrying his views in the Fuehrer?s councils. He had even at
one time to resist a proposal made by the Army to disarm all his heavy ships
and use their guns for long-range batteries on shore. During the summer,
however, he had fitted out a number of merchant ships as disguised raiders.
They were more powerfully armed, were generally faster than our armed
merchant cruisers, and were provided with reconnaissance aircraft. Five ships
of this type evaded our patrols and entered the Atlantic between April and
June, 1940, whilst a sixth undertook the hazsuccessful offensive in Libya. Pray, after an examination of
whole problem with Wavell and Smuts, do not hesitate to make
proposals for action on large scale at expense of other sectors,
and ask for any further aid you require from here, including
aircraft and anti-aircraft [batteries and the night following.?
In Norway it appeared that Narvik was likely to be captured by us at any
moment, but Lord Cork was informed that in the light of the news from France
3
The Battle of France
The Second Week: Weygand
May 17 to May 24
58
no more reinforcements could be sent to him.
The battle crisis grew hourly in intensity. At the request of General Georges,
the British Army prolonged its defensive flank by occupying points on the
whole line from Douai to P?ronne, thus attempting to cover Arras, which was
a road centre vital to any southward retreat. That afternoon the Germans
entered Brussels. The next day they reached Cambrai, passed St. Quentin,
and brushed our small parties out of P?ronne. The French Seventh, the
Belgian, the British, and the French First Army all continued their withdrawal
to the Scheldt, the British standing along the Dendre for the day, and forming
the detachment ?Petreforce? (a temporary grouping of various units under
Major General Petre) for the defence of Arras.
At midnight (May 18?19) Lord Gort was visited at his headquarters by General
Billotte. Neither the personality of this French general nor his proposals, such
as they were, inspired confidence in his allies. From this moment the
possibility of a withdrawal to the coast began to present itself to the British
Commander-in-Chief. In his despatch published in March, 1941, he wrote:
?The picture was now [night of the 19th and two more by the end of May. Let me know
how far the present prospects of men and material allow of this.
Let me know also what are the latest ideas for the structure and
organisation of an armoured division. This should be prepared on
one sheet of paper, showing all the principal elements and
accessories.
It is very important to get on with the uniforms for the Home
Guard. Let me have a forecast of deliveries.
My objection was to anything in the nature of sinking at sight or
sinking without due provision for the safety of the crews.
Provided this is excluded, there can be no reason against sinking
a captured ship if, owing to air attack or other military reasons, it
is impossible to bring her into port as a prize. The disadvantages
of sinking a ship and losing valuable tonnage are obvious, and I
do not see why in nineteen cases out of twenty the Admiralty
cannot put a prize crew on board and send the ship in, in the
ordinary way. I see no objection to the action taken in the
Hermione case,7 which falls entirely within the general principles
set forth above.
The whole question of holidays and reduced hours should be
considered by the Cabinet at an early date. It is far too soon to
assume that the danger has passed. It is a great mistake to tell
the workpeople that they are tired. On the other hand, certain
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
2.VIII.40.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to First Lord. 2.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Sir Edward Bridges.
2.VIII.40.
653
easements are indispensable. Please communicate with Mr.
Bevin, Lord Beaverbrook, and the Minister of Supply so that their
views may be in readiness for Cabinet conversation. I should also
like to know what is being done about holidays for the Civil
Service and for Ministers, and persons in high Service positions.
Something will have to be done about this, but we must be very
careful not to be caught while in an August mood.
The attached memorandum by Lord Mottistone on duties of
police in the event of invasion raises a very difficult question, and
one that must be speedily settled. We cannot surely make
ourselves responsible for a system where the police will prevent
the people from resisting the enemy, and will lay down their arms
and become the enemy?s servant in any invaded area. I confess I
do not see my way quite clearly to the amendments required in
the regulations. In principle, however, it would seem that the
police should withdraw from any in
In my view Admiral Stark is right, and Plan D 20 is strategically
sound, and also most highly adapted to our interests. We should,
therefore, so far as opportunity serves, in every way contribute to
strengthen the policy of Admiral Stark, and should not use
arguments inconsistent with it.
2. Should Japan enter the war on one side and the United States
on ours, ample naval forces will be available to contain Japan by
long-range controls in the Pacific. The Japanese Navy is not likely
to venture far from its home bases so long as a superior battle -
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for the Colonies.
22.XI.40.
Prime Minister to First Lord and First Sea Lord. (General Ismay to
see.)
22.XI.40.
708
fleet is maintained at Singapore or at Honolulu. The Japanese
would never attempt a siege of Singapore with a hostile, superior
American Fleet in the Pacific. The balance of the American Fleet,
after providing the necessary force for the Pacific, would be
sufficient, with our Navy, to exercise in a very high degree the
command of all the seas and oceans except those within the
immediate Japanese regions. A strict defensive in the Far East
and the acceptance of its consequences is also our policy. Once
the Germans are beaten the Japanese would be at the mercy of
the combined fleets.
3. I am much encouraged by the American naval view.
There seems to be great disparity in these sentences [on A.F.S.
men for lootingworks. Moreover, I fear that the troops are
being used in large numbers on fortifications. At the present
stage they should be drilling and training for at least eight hours
a day, including one smart parade every morning. All the labour
necessary should be found from civilian sources. I found it
extremely difficult to see even a single battalion on parade in East
Anglia during my visit. The fighting troops in the Brigade Groups
should neither be used for guarding vulnerable points nor for
making fortifications. Naturally a change like this cannot be made
at once, but let me have your proposals for bringing it about as
soon as possible.
* * * * *
The press and broadcast should be asked to handle air raids in a
cool way and on a diminishing tone of public interest. The facts
should be chronicled without undue prominence or headlines. The
people should be accustomed to treat air raids as a matter of
ordinary routine. Localities affected should not be mentioned with
any precision. Photographs showing shattered houses should not
be published unless there is something very peculiar about them,
or to illustrate how well the Anderson shelters work. It must be
clear that the vast majority of people are not at all affected by
any single air raid, and would hardly sustain any evil impression if
it were not thrust before them. Everyone should learn to take air
raids and air-raid alarms as if they were no more than
thunderstorms. Pray try to impress this upon the newspaper
authorities, and persuade them to help. If there is difficulty in
this, I would myself see the Newspaper Proprietors? Association,
but I hope this will not be necessary. The press should be
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War. 25.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Minister of Information.
26.VI.40.
172
complimented on their work so far in this matter.
Enclosed [dates of troop convoys from Indiahave made a good impression.
The battle here for air mastery continues to be severe, but firm
confidence is felt in its eventual outcome.
It is surprising that the violent impact of the air upon our control of the
Mediterranean had not been more plainly foreseen by the British Government
before the war and by their expert advisers. In any case, however, we had
fallen so far behind in the air race with Germany that the defence of Britain
made an overwhelming demand on the already outnumbered forces we
possessed. Until the Battle of Britain had been prada clutch decisively won, every
reinforcement of aircraft to the Mediterranean and Egypt had been an act of
acute responsibility. Even in the winter months, when we felt we were
masters of our own daylight air at home, it was very hard under the full fury
of the Blitz to send away fighter aircraft either to Malta or to Egypt. It was
also most painful to take from bombarded British cities and vital seaports and
munitions factories the anti-aircraft guns and shells sorely needed for their
protection, and to send these either all round the Cape to Egypt or at much
peril direct to Malta.
443
The reinforcement of Malta?s hitherto neglected air defences was pressed
forward in spite of losses and disappointments. Among the tasks of Admiral
Somerville?s force at Gibraltar was the convoying of fighter aircraft in a carrier
to within flying distance of Malta. The first of these efforts was made in the
beginning of August, when twelve Hurricanes were flown into the island from
the aircraft-carrier Argus. Until their arrival the air defence of Malta consisted
of three Gladiators, known locally by the affectionate names of ?Faith,?
?Hope,? and ?Charity.? We made a second attempt in November; but there
was a tragedy. Nine aircraft out of fourteen, which had been launched from
the Argus, four hundred miles to the westward of the island, ran out of fuel on
the way through a change of wind, and perished at sea with their devoted
pilots. Never again were the margins cut so fine, and though many similar
operations took place in the future never did such a catastrophe recur.
* * * * *
It had also become necessary to find a way of sending aircraft to the Middle
East which would avoid both the dangers of the Mediterranean and the fearful
delay around the Cape. An overland route from West Africa would save many
vital days and some shipping. The machines had either to be flown ashore
from an aircraft-carrier, oto quit Malta, which, I
understand, is totally unprovided with anti-aircraft defence. The
Mediterranean Fleet based at Alexandria, etc., is on paper? that is all we are
justified in going by? far weaker than the Italian Navy. I spent some time
today looking up the cruiser and flotilla construction of the two countries
since the war. It seems to me that you have not half the strength of Italy in
modern cruisers and destroyers, and still less in modern submarines.
Therefore, it seems to me that very searching questions should be asked of
the Admiralty now as to the position of this British Fleet in the Levant. It is
enough to do us grievous loss. Is it enough to defend itself? It is more than
three thousand miles from reinforcement by the Atlantic and Home Fleets.
Much might happen before these could effect a junction. I do not, indeed I
dare not, doubt but that the Admiralty have studied the dispositions with
vigilance. I hope you will satisfy yourself that their answers to these
suggestions are adequate.
I heard some time ago talk about a plan of evacuating the Mediterranean in
the event of a war with Italy and holding only the Straits of Gibraltar and the
Mr. Churchill to Sir Samuel Hoare. August 25, 1935.
133
Red Sea. The movement of the Mediterranean Fleet to the Levant looks like
a piece of this policy. If so I hope it has been thought out. If we abandon
the Mediterranean while in a state of war or quasi-war with Italy, there is
nothing to prevent Mussolini landing in Egypt in force and seizing the Canal.
Nothing but France. Is the Admiralty sure of France in such a contingency?
George Lloyd, who is with me, thinks I ought to send you this letter in view
of the hazards of the situation. I do not ask you for a detailed answer; but
we should like your assurance that you have been satisfied with the
Admiralty dispositions.
The Foreign Secretary replied on August 27:
You may rest assured that all the points you have mentioned have
been, and are being, actively discussed. I am fully alive to the kind
of risks that you mention, and I will do my best to see that they are
not ignored. Please have no hesitation in sending me any
suggestions or warnings that you think necessary. You know as well
as anyone the risks of a situation such as this, and you also know as
well as anyone, at least outside the Government, the present state
of our imperial defences.
* * * * *
Mr. Eden, Minister for League of Nations Affairs and almost it was estimated that a very large expansion,
amounting to 71.5 per cent of the number engaged in the metal industry,
would be needed in the first year of war. Actually the engineering, motor,
and aircraft group, which covers three-fifths of the metal industry and which
Note by the First Lord of the Admiralty. May 4, 1940.
419
is discussed in this survey, has only expanded by 11.1 per cent (122,000)
between June, 1939, and April, 1940. This is less than one-sixth of the
expansion stated to be required. Without any Government intervention, by
the mere improvement of trade, the number increased as quickly as this in
the year 1936/37.
Although 350,000 boys leave school each year, there is an increase of only
25,000 in the number of males under twenty-one employed in this group.
Moreover, the proportion of women and young persons has only increased
from 26.6 per cent to 27.6 per cent. In the engineering, motor, and aircraft
group, we now have only one woman for every twelve men. During the last
war the ratio of women to men in the metal industries increased from one
woman for every ten men to one woman for every three men. In the first
year of the last war, July, 1914, to July, 1915, the new workers drafted into
the metal industries amounted to 20 per cent of those already there. In the
group under survey which may fairly be taken as typical of the whole metal
industry, only 11 per cent have been added in the last ten months.
Admiralty establishments, in which employment has been increased by
nearly 27 per cent, have not been considered here, as no figures of the
different types of labour are given.
* * * * *
On January 19, anxieties about the Western Front received confirmation. A German staffmajor
of the 7th Air Division had been ordered to take some documents to Headquarters in
Cologne. Wishing to save time for private indulgences, he decided to fly across the
intervening Belgian territory. His machine made a forced landing; the Belgian police
arrested him and impounded his papers, which he tried desperately to destroy. These
contained the entire and actual scheme for the invasion of Belgium, Holland, and France on
which Hitler had resolved. The French and British Governments were given copies of these
documents, and the German major was released to explain matters to his superiors. I was
told about all this at the time, and it seemed to me incredible that the Belgians would not
make a plan to invite us in. But they did no which
would close the Straits both by night and day. With a major
campaign developing in the Eastern Mediterranean and the need
to reinforce and supply our armies there all round the Cape, we
could not contemplate any military action on the mainland at or
near the Straits. The Rock of Gibraltar will stand a long siege, but
what is the good of that if we cannot use the harbour or pass the
Straits? Once in Morocco, the Germans will work southward, and
U-boats and aircraft will soon be operating freely from
Casablanca and Dakar. I need not, Mr. President, enlarge upon
the trouble this will cause to us, or the approach of trouble to the
Western Hemisphere. We must gain as much time as possible.
This great danger had in fact passed away, and, though we did not know it, it
passed forever. It is fashionable at the present time to dwell on the vices of
General Franco, and I am, therefore, glad to place on record this testimony to
the duplicity and ingratitude of his dealings with Hitler and Mussolini. I shall
presently record even greater services which these evil qualities in General
Franco rendered to the Allied cause.
523
Mussolini?s Decision to Attack Greece ? His Letter to Hitler of October 19 ?
The Florence Conference ? The Italian Invasion of Greece, October 28, 1940
? Reinforcement of Admiral Cunningham?s Fleet ? The Arrival of the
?Illustrious? ? Our Obligations ? Importance of Crete ? Telegrams to Mr.
Eden ? Air Support for Greece ? Minute to Chief of the Air Staff, November
2, 1940 ? Wavell-Wilson Plans for an Offensive in Libya ? Secrecy Causes
Misunderstanding ? Further Telegrams to Mr. Eden ? Greek Need for the
Cretan Division ? Mr. Eden?s Latest Telegrams ? His Return ? He Unfolds
?Operation Compass? ? General Agreement ? War Cabinet Approves ? The
Fleet Air Arm Attack the Italian Fleet ? Gallant Exploit at Taranto ? Half the
Italian Fleet Disabled for Six Months ? Naval Dispositions ? My Desire for an
Amphibious Feature in ?Compass? ? My Telegram to Wavell of November 26
? Policy Towards Turkey ? An Improved Situation ? Shortcomings at Suda
Bay ? Death of Mr. Chamberlain ? A Tribute to His Memory.
A FRESH, though not entirely unexpected outrage by Mussolini, with baffling
problems and far-reaching consequences to all our harassed affairs, now
broke upon the Mediterranean scene.
The Duce took the final decision to attack Greece on October 15, 1940. That
morning a meeting of the Italian war leaders was held in thNewcastle or Glasgow, which are under long repair. A
record evolution should be made of getting one or two of these
turrets mounted. Report to me about this and dates. There is a
9.2 Army experimental gun and mounting, and surely we have
some twelve-inch on railway mountings. If our ships cannot use
the Straits, the enemy must not be able to. Even if guns cannot
fire onto the French shore, they are none the less very valuable.
Some of our heavy artillery ? the eighteen-inch howitzer and the
9.2?s ? should be planted in positions whence they could deny the
ports and landings to the enemy, and as C.I.G.S. mentioned,
support the counter-attack which would be launched against any
attempted bridgehead. Much of this mass of artillery I saved from
the last war has done nothing, and has been under reconditioning
for a whole year.
Let me have a good programme for using it to support counter -
strokes and deny landings, both north and south of the Thames.
Farther north I have seen already some very good heavy
batteries.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 30.VIII.40.
275
I should like also to be informed of the real [actual
Prime Minister to Sir Edward Bridges and others concerned. 3.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Sir E. Bridges
4.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Professor Lindemann.
4.VIII.40.
655
plough up 1,500,000 more acres, and instruct the Food
Department to submit a plan both for increasing rations and
building up further food reserves. This should be possible on the
above basis.
The danger of Japanese hostility makes it all the more important
that the German capital ships should be put out of action. I
understand that the Air Force intend to make heavy attacks on
these ships as soon as there is sufficient moon. Scharnhorst and
the Gneisenau, both in floating docks at Kiel, the Bismarck at
Hamburg, and the Tirpitz at Wilhelm-shaven, are all targets of
supreme consequence. Even a few months? delay in Bismarck will
affect the whole balance of sea-power to a serious degree. 1 shall
be glad to hear from you.
I am not satisfied with the volume or quality of information
received from the unoccupied area of France. We seem to be as
much cut off from these territories as from Germany. I do not
wish such reports as are received to be sifted and digested by the
various Intelligence authorities. For the present Major Morton will
inspect them for me and submit what he considers of major
interest. He is to see everything and submit authentic documents
for me in their original form.
Further, I await proposals for improving and extending our
information about France and for keeping a continued flow of
agents moving to and fro. For this purpose naval facilities can, if
necessary, be invoked. So far as the Vichy Government is
concerned, it is not creditable that we have so little information.
To what extent are Americans, Swiss, and Spanish agents being
used?
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air and C.A.S. 4.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
5.VIII.40.
656
What orders are extant for the future production of U.P. multiple
projectors in groups of twenties, tens, fives, and also single
projectors?
What amount of ammunition (a) of the ordinary rocket, (b) of the
aerial mine, (c) of the P.E. fuze, (d) of the radio fuze, is on order?
What are the forecasts of deliveries in the next six months in all
cases?
Presently the P.E. fuze will probably supersede the aerial mine for
use in multiple projectors mounted on H.M. ships. This will entail
an alteration of the projector tubes. The Admiralty should be
asked to study this betimes so that drawn from existing units, ready to spring at the
throat of any small landings or descents. These officers and men
should be armed with the latest equipment, tommy guns,
grenades, etc., and should be given great facilities in motorcycles
and armoured cars.
* * * * *
Mr. Eden?s plan of raising Local Defence Volunteers, which he had proposed to
the Cabinet on May 13, met with an immediate response in all parts of the
country.
Could I have a brief statement of the L.D.V. position, showing the
progress achieved in raising and arming them, and whether they
are designed for observation or for serious fighting. What is their
relationship to the police, the Military Command, and the
Regional Commissioners? From whom do they receive their
orders, and to whom do they report? It would be a great comfort
if this could be compressed on one or two sheets of paper.
I had always hankered for the name ?Home Guard.? I had indeed suggested it
in October, 1939.
I don?t think much of the name ?Local Defence Volunteers ? for
your very large new force. The word ?local? is uninspiring. Mr.
Herbert Morrison suggested to me today the title ?Civic Guard,?
but I think ?Home Guard? would be better. Don?t hesitate to
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
22.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
26.VI.40.
167
change on account of already having made armlets, etc., if it is
thought the title of Home Guard would be more compulsive.
I hope you like my suggestion of changing the name ?Local
Defence Volunteers,? which is associated with Local Government
and Local Option, to ?Home Guard.? I found everybody liked this
in my tour yesterday.
The change was accordingly made, and the mighty organisation, which
presently approached one and a half million men and gradually acquired good
weapons, rolled forward.
* * * * *
In these days my principal fear was of German tanks coming ashore. Since my
mind was attracted to landing tanks on their coasts, I naturally thought they
might have the same idea. We had hardly any anti-tank guns or ammunition,
or even ordinary field artillery. The plight to which we were reduced in dealing
with this danger may be measured from the following incident. I visited our
beaches in St. Margaret?s Bay, near Dover. The Brigadier informed me that he
had only three anti-tank guns in his brigade, covering four or five miles of this
highly menaced coastline. He declared that he had only six rounds of
ammunition which will be
secured by the placing [in itRegular troops out [of Indiaover at full speed. They must
be distributed in at least four fast ships. Could not some of them
come by passenger liner? Let me know what Admiralty can do.
Make sure there is no delay at Purco?s [Purchasing Commissionwas a clever planner, the third prince Wo Kuo Tai [Ogedaigrievous aggravation [ofdo not want to fight. They try to draw back as
slowly as possible, but they do not want to fight. Our conversations with the
British have ended. Nothing was accomplished. I have telephoned to
Ribbentrop saying it was a fiasco, absolutely innocuous. Chamberlain's eyes
filled with tears as the train started moving and his countrymen started
singing, ?For he's a jolly good fellow.? ?What is this little song?? asked
Mussolini.
19
Prague, Albania, and the Polish Guarantee
January? April, 1939
259
And then a fortnight later:
Lord Perth has submitted for our approval the outlines of the speech
that Chamberlain will make in the House of Commons in order that
we may suggest changes if necessary. The Duce approved it, and
commented: ?I believe this is the first time that the head of the
British Government has submitted to a foreign Government the
outlines of one of his speeches. It's a bad sign for them.? 1
However, in the end it was Ciano and Mussolini who went to their doom.
Meanwhile, on January 18, Ribbentrop was at Warsaw to open the diplomatic offensive
against Poland. The absorption of Czechoslovakia was to be followed by the encirclement of
Poland. The first stage in this operation would be the cutting-off of Poland from the sea by
the assertion of German sovereignty in Danzig and by the prolongation of the German
control of the Baltic to the vital Lithuanian port of Memel. The Polish Government displayed
strong resistance to this pressure, and for a while Hitler watched and waited for the
campaigning season.
During the second week of March, rumours gathered of troop movements in Germany and
Austria, particularly in the Vienna-Salzburg region. Forty German divisions were reported to
be mobilised on a war footing. Confident of German support, the Slovaks were planning the
separation of their territory from the Czechoslovak Republic. Colonel Beck, relieved to see
the Teutonic wind blowing in another direction, declared publicly in Warsaw that his
Government had full sympathy with the aspirations of the Slovaks. Father Tiso, the Slovak
leader, was received by Hitler in Berlin with the honours due to a Prime Minister. On the
twelfth Mr. Chamberlain, questioned in Parliament about the guarantee of the Czechoslovak
frontier, reminded the House that this proposal had been directed against unprovoked
aggression. No such aggression had yet taken place. He did not have long to wait.
* * * * *
A wave of perverse optimism had swep
five seconds? ten seconds? twenty seconds. Then came a shattering
explosion, and a great pillar of water rose in the darkness. Prien
waited some minutes to fire another salvo. Tubes ready. Fire. The
torpedoes hit amidships, and there followed a series of crashing
explosions. H.M.S. Royal Oak sank, with the loss of 786 officers and
men, including Rear-Admiral H. E. C. Blagrove [Rear-Admiral Second
Battle Squadronin the first nine
months (many more than are there now), but also an Indian
Corps fought by Christmas in France. Our weakness, slowness,
lack of grip and drive are very apparent on the background of
what was done twenty-five years ago. I really think that you,
Lloyd, and Amery ought to be able to lift our affairs in the East
and Middle East out of the catalepsy by which they are smitten.
* * * * *
This was a time when all Britain worked and strove to the utmost limit and
was united as never before. Men and women toiled at the lathes and
machines in the factories till they fell exhausted on the floor and had to be
dragged away and ordered home, while their places were occupied by
newcomers ahead of time. The one desire of all the males and many women
was to have a weapon. The Cabinet and Government were locked together by
bonds the memory of which is still cherished by all. The sense of fear seemed
entirely lacking in the people, and their representatives in Parliament were not
unworthy of their mood. We had not suffered like France under the German
flail. Nothing moves an Englishman so much as the threat of invasion, the
reality unknown for a thousand years. Vast numbers of people were resolved
to conquer or die. There was no need to rouse their spirit by oratory. They
165
were glad to hear me express their sentiments and give them good reasons
for what they meant to do, or try to do. The only possible divergence was
from people who wished to do even more than was possible, and had the idea
that frenzy might sharpen action.
Our decision to send our only two well-armed divisions back to France made it
all the more necessary to take every possible measure to defend the island
against direct assault. Our most imminent dangers at home seemed to be
parachute descents; or, even worse, the landing of comparatively small but
highly mobile German tank forces which would rip up and disorganise our
defence, as they had done when they got loose in France. In close contact
with the new Secretary of State for War, my thoughts and directions were
increasingly concerned with Home Defence. The fact that we were sending so
much to France made it all the more necessary to make the best of what we
had left for ourselves.
I should like to be informed upon (1) the coastal watch and
coastal batteries; (2) the gorging of the harbours and defended
inlets (i.e., the making of the landward defences); (3) the troops
held in immediate support of twas the most humane, when he thought about it, Huo Dou did not resemble any of the four princes.
Qiu Chuji said, ?I?m afraid that a man of his stature coming to create havoc here has an ulterior motive. His kung fu originates from Western Tibet; he arrived in the central plains at the beginning of the year. He wounded the three heroes of Henan, and later on he single-handedly killed the seven Lords of Lanzhou. His name was spread widely throughout the land, we didn?t predict that he would have the nerve to come to our sect and cause trouble. The other Tibetan monk is called Da?erba; he has supernatural strength, and his kung fu is from the same school as Huo Dou. It appears that he is the senior apprentice brother. He is a monk, of course he hasn?t come here to get married; he?s here to aid Huo Dou.
When the rest of the evil men heard the two were coming, they remembered the matter of dueling for marriage. Years ago, in front of a crowd of people, Li Mochou had said the tomb contained mountains of treasures, and had countless kung fu manuscripts and manuals; saying there was the formulae to the ?Eighteen Subduing Dragon Palms?, the ?Solitary Yang Finger? and numerous others. Although the crooks and scoundrels were unsure, they thought that if they went up to the mountain and opened up the tomb, they would be able to get a share of the spoils. About one hundred or so of them came up the mountain. Originally our ?Big Dipper Formation? could have easily repelled them away from the foot of our mountain, not allowing them to come through and teach them not to take one step into Chongyang Palace. We were resisting them when the misunderstanding occurred; there is no need to say anymore.?
Guo Jing felt very guilty and apologetic, and wanted to say a few words of apology. Qiu Chuji waved his hand and laughed, ?Letting a laugh out rids your worries and the moon is still in the sky above the western lake. The halls and buildings are just objects; human possessions mean nothing, so why worry about them? You have honed your martial arts for the last ten years, could it be that you do not understand the meaning of this??
Guo Jing laughed and said, ?Yes!?
Qiu Chuji laughed and said, ?Actually when I saw the back courtyard being burned down to the ground, I was very angry and furious, but after a while I calmed down. Compared to how calm apprentice brother Ma was, I am nowhere as enlightened as he is.?
Guo Jing said, ?You can?t blame yourself for getting angr
29.X.40.
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
30.X.40.
527
close-up information about the relative merits of the two armies.
I expect to have a good wire every day or so, telling us exactly
what is happening, as far as the Greeks will allow it.
There is no objection to two battalions going to Freetown,
pending their relief by the West African Brigade, after which they
can go on to Egypt. They are not to leave England until it is
agreed that the West African Brigade is to go to West Africa.
Both Crete and Malta come before Freetown in A.A. guns, and I
cannot approve of this diversion at the present time. Neither can
I agree to the diversion of a fighter squadron [for Freetown and I
entirely agree with the principle that the first stage is the formulation of a
felt want by the fighting Service. Once this is clearly defined in terms of
simple reality it is nearly always possible for the scientific experts to find a
solution. The Services should always be encouraged to explain what it is that
hurts or hinders them in any particular branch of their work. For instance, a
soldier advancing across No-Man's-Land is hit by a bullet which prevents his
locomotion functioning further. It is no use telling him or his successor to be
D.S.R., Controller and Secretary. 16.X.39
559
brave, because that condition has already been satisfied. It is clear however
that if a steel plate or other obstacle had stood between the bullet and the
soldier, the latter's powers of locomotion would not have been deranged.
The problem therefore becomes how to place a shield in front of the soldier.
It then emerges that the shield is too heavy for him to carry, thus
locomotion must be imparted to the shield; and how? Hence the tanks. This
is of course a simple example.
2. In your list of Branches and Departments very little seems to be allowed
for physical investigation, the bulk being concentrated upon application and
development. I am therefore very glad to know that the Clarendon
Laboratory will be utilised for this purpose, and I shall be dealing with the
paper on that subject later in the day.
Requisitioning of Trawlers
I have asked the Minister of Agriculture to bring Mr. Ernest Bevin and his
deputation to the Admiralty at 4.15 o'clock tomorrow after they have
explored the ground among themselves. Let all be notified and an official
letter written to the Ministry of Agriculture inviting them here. I will preside
myself.
Meanwhile A.C.N.S., D.T.D. and Controller or Deputy-Controller should,
together with Financial Secretary, meet together this evening to work out a
plan, the object of which is the Utmost Fish, subject to naval necessity. The
immediate loss arising from our requisition should be shared between ports,
and the fact that a port has built the best kind of trawlers must not lead to
its being the worst sufferer. Side by side with this equalisation process a
type of trawler which can be built as quickly as possible, and will serve its
purpose, should be given facilities in the shipyards. As soon as these
trawlers flow in, they can either be added to the various ports or else be
given to the ports from whom thThe Dominions have been kept fully informed.
This was no time for recriminations about the past. The guarantee to Poland was supported
by the leaders of all parties and groups in the House. ?God helping, we can do no other,?
was what I said. At the point we had reached, it was a necessary action. But no one who
understood the situation could doubt that it meant in all human probability a major war in
which we should be involved.
* * * * *
In this sad tale of wrong judgments formed by well-meaning and capable people, we now
reach our climax. That we should all have come to this pass makes those responsible,
however honourable their motives, blameworthy before history. Look back and see what
we had successively accepted or thrown away: a Germany disarmed by solemn treaty; a
Germany rearmed in violation of a solemn treaty; air superiority or even air parity cast
away; the Rhineland forcibly occupied and the Siegfried Line built or building; the Berlin -
Rome Axis established; Austria devoured and digested by the Reich; Czechoslovakia
deserted and ruined by the Munich Pact; its fortress line in German hands; its mighty
arsenal of Skoda henceforward making munitions for the German armies; President
Roosevelt's effort to stabilise or bring to a head the European situation by the intervention
of the United States waved aside with one hand, and Soviet Russia's undoubted willingness
to join the Western Powers and go all lengths to save Czechoslovakia ignored on the other;
the services of thirty-five Czech divisions against the still unripened German Army cast
away, when Great Britain could herself supply only two to strengthen the front in France?
all gone with the wind.
And now, when every one of these aids and advantages has been squandered and thrown
away, Great Britain advances, leading France by the hand, to guarantee the integrity of
Poland? of that very Poland which with hyena appetite had only six months before joined in
the chanel denim handbag pillage and destruction of the Czechoslovak State. There was sense in fighting for
Czechoslovakia in 1938 when the German Army could scarcely put half a dozen trained
263
divisions on the Western Front, when the French with nearly sixty or seventy divisions could
most certainly have rolled forward across the Rhine or into the Ruhr. But this had been
judged unreasonable, rash, below the level of modern intellectual thought and morality. Yet
now at last the two Western Democracies declared themselves ready while disarmament ought vigorously to be pursued
as the chief objective of the Government, a situation in which a great
country not a member of the League of Nations possesses the most
powerful army and perhaps the most powerful air force in Western Europe,
with probably a greater coefficient of expansion than any other air force
cannot be allowed to endure. The Liberal Party would feel bound to support
measures of national defence when clear proof was afforded of their
necessity. I cannot therefore agree that to increase our national armaments
is necessarily inconsistent with our obligations under the collective peace
system.
He then proceeded to deal at length with ?the question of private profits being made out of
the means of death,? and quoted a recent speech by Lord Halifax, Minister of Education,
who had said that the British people were ?disposed to regard the preparation of
instruments of war as too high and too grave a thing to be entrusted to any hands less
responsible than those of the State itself.? Sir Archibald Sinclair thought that there ought to
be national factories for dealing with the rapid expansion in air armaments, for which
expansion, he said, a case had been made out.
The existence of private armament firms had long been a bugbear to Labour and Liberal
99
minds, and it lent itself readily to the making of popular speeches. It was, of course, absurd
to suppose that at this time our air expansion, recognised as necessary, could be achieved
through national factories only. A large part of the private industry of the country was
urgently required for immediate adaptation and to reinforce our existing sources of
manufacture. Nothing in the speeches of the Opposition leaders was in the slightest degree
related to the emergency in which they admitted we stood, or to the far graver facts which
we now know lay behind it.
The Government majority for their part appeared captivated by Mr. Baldwin's candour. His
admission of having been utterly wrong, with all his sources of knowledge, upon a vital
matter for which he was responsible was held to be redeemed by the frankness with which
he declared his error and shouldered the blame. There was even a strange wave of
enthusiasm for a Minister who did not hesitate to say that he was wrong. Indeed, many
Conservative Members seemed angry with me for having brought their trusted leader to a
plight from which only his native manliness and honesty had extricated him; buconfirms my
apprehensions about Malta. Beaches defended on an average
battalion front of fifteen miles, and no reserves for counter-attack
worth speaking of, leave the island at the mercy of a landing
force. You must remember that we do not possess the command
of the sea around Malta. The danger, therefore, appears to be
extreme. I should have thought four battalions were needed, but,
owing to the difficulty of moving transports from the west, we
must be content with two for the moment. We must find two
good ones. Apparently there is no insuperable difficulty in
accommodation.
* * * * *
When I look back on all these worries, I remember the story of the old man
who said on his deathbed that he had had a lot of trouble in his life, most of
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.I.G.S.
21.IX.40.
465
which had never happened. Certainly this is true of my life in September,
1940. The Germans were beaten in the Air Battle of Britain. The overseas
invasion of Britain was not attempted. In fact, by this date Hitler had already
turned his glare to the East. The Italians did not press their attack upon
Egypt. The tank brigade sent all round the Cape arrived in good time, not
indeed for a defensive battle of Mersa Matruh in September, but for a later
operation incomparably more advantageous. We found means to reinforce
Malta before any serious attack from the air was made upon it, and no one
dared to try a landing upon the island fortress at any time. Thus September
passed.
466
Importance of Aiding General de Gaulle ? Plan for Liberating Dakar ? Need
to Support the Free French Forces ? My Minute of August 8, 1940 ? The War
Cabinet Approves ?Operation Menace? ? Dangers of Delay and Leakage ?
Message from ?Jacques? ? Our Second String ? The French Cruisers Sighted
? A Failure at Whitehall ? Too Late ? I Advise the War Cabinet to Abandon
the Project ? Strong Desire of the Commanders to Attack ? General de
Gaulle?s Persistence ? The War Cabinet Gives Full Discretion to the
Commanders ? My Telegram to General Smuts and President Roosevelt ?
The Attack on Dakar ? Ships Versus Forts ? Stubborn Resistance of the Vichy
French ? We Suffer Appreciable Naval Losses ? Cabinet and Commanders
Agreed to Break Off ? Changes of R?le at Home and on the Spot ?
Justification of the Commanders ? Parliament Requires No Explanations.
A T THIS TIME His Majesty?s Government attached great importance to aiding
General de Gaulle and the Free French to raare
accurate they constitute a deadly danger, and one of the first
magnitude. I expect the Chiefs of the Staff to use all the
resources at their disposal and to give me a report by tomorrow
night (a) upon the reality of the danger, (b) upon the measures
to counter it. In making any recommendation for action the
Chiefs of the Staff may be sure that the highest priorities and all
other resources will be at their disposal.
The composition hat for air raids which Mr. Bevin is promoting
seems to me of the utmost importance, and if it gives a measure
of protection against falling splinters, etc., it should certainly be
Prime Minister to Captain, H.M. Destroyer ?Churchill.? 25.IX.40.
Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary.
25.IX.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 26.IX.40.
Prime Minister to Home Secretary.
26.IX.40.
684
mass-produced on a great scale, and eventually made a full issue.
Pray let me have a report today on the experimental aspect, and
in conjunction with the Minister of Supply let me have estimates
for production.
I was delighted with your hat, and something on these lines
should certainly be mass-produced as soon as possible for issue
pending steel hats. I think it is a mistake to call it a ?rag hat,? as I
see is done in some of the papers today. I hope you will think of
some better name.
I am calling for a full report today from the Home Secretary.
Considering that everything depends upon Lord Beaverbrook?s
success in obtaining the supply of aircraft, and the heavy blows
he is receiving at Bristol, Southampton, and elsewhere, I
earnestly trust you will see t
My invitation was not intended as a muzzle, but...
08:34, 2009-Dec-31
.. Link
My invitation was not intended as a muzzle, but as a gesture of friendliness
to an old colleague.
Accordingly, for the next four years I attended these meetings and thus obtained a full view
117
of this vital sphere of our air defence, and built up my ideas upon it year by year in close
and constant discussion with Lindemann. I immediately prepared a memorandum for the
Committee which embodied the thought and knowledge I had already gathered, without
official information, in my talks and studies with Lindemann and from my own military
conceptions. This paper is of interest because of the light which it throws on the position in
July, 1935. No one at that time had considered the use of radio beams for guiding
bombers. The difficulties of training large numbers of individual pilots were obvious, and it
was generally held that at night large fleets of aircraft would be led by a few masterbombers.
Great advances into new fields were made in the four years which were to pass
before the life of the nation was to be at stake; and meanwhile the adoption of bombing
guided by radio beams caused profound tactical changes. Hence much that was written
then was superseded, but a good deal was tried by me when I had power? not all with
success.
23 July, 1935.
The following notes are submitted with much diffidence, and in haste on
account of our early meeting, in the hopes that they may be a contribution
to our combined thought.
General tactical conceptions and what is technically feasible act and react
upon one another. Thus, the scientist should be told what facilities the air
force would like to have, and airplane design be made to fit into and
implement a definite scheme of warfare.
At this stage we must assume a reasonable war hypothesis, namely, that
Great Britain, France, and Belgium are allies attacked by Germany.
After the outbreak of such a war, the dominating event will be the
mobilisation of the great Continental armies. This will take at least a
fortnight, diversified and hampered by mechanised and motorised inroads.
The French and German General Staffs' minds will be riveted upon the
assembly and deployment of the armies. Neither could afford to be markedly
behindhand at the first main shock. It may be hoped that Germany will not
be ready for a war, in which the Army and Navy are to play an important
part, for two or three y In practice
much inconvenience would arise if this theoretical equality had many
First Lord to Secretary. 4.X.39.
First Lord to Second Sea Lord, Parliamentary
Secretary and Secretary.
7.X.39.
First Lord to Secretary. 7.X.39.
First Lord to Second Sea Lord and others concerned
and Secretary.
14.X.39.
584
examples. Each case must be judged on its merits, from the point of view of
smooth administration. I cannot see any objection to Indians serving on
H.M. ships where they are qualified and needed, or, if their virtues so
deserve, rising to be Admirals of the Fleet. But not too many of them,
please.
I see no reason to suspend these enlistments or bar the Navy door to the
Dominions in time of war. Most particularly am I concerned with
Newfoundland, about which I have given special directions. The
Newfoundlanders are certainly not to be ?left to find their own way to this
country? from Newfoundland. Care and pains are to be taken to recruit, train
and convey to the United Kingdom as many as possible. I hope we shall get
one thousand. I understand this is in progress, and let me have a report
saying exactly what is being done in Newfoundland.
With regard to the other Dominions, suitable enlistments should be accepted
whether for hostilities only or for permanent service. These ratings can be
trained at the naval ports in the Dominions: at Sydney, at Halifax and
Esquimalt, and at Simonstown. Opportunity will then be given to transport
the men in batches to this country or draft them on to His Majesty's ships
visiting the Dominions.
Pray let a scheme on these lines be put forward with a view to surmounting
the difficulties.
?Salmon's? War Patrol Narrative
I am in entire accord with the Second Sea Lord's Minute of yesterday. I shall
be most willing to concur in the promotion and honours proposed, both to
the officers and to the men. I await the proposals of the Sea Lords in
respect of the promotion. Naval Secretary should prepare submissions for
the Honours to the King, and, if possible, these should be published, both as
to officers and men, before the Salmon sails again. Perhaps His Majesty
would like himself to see the officer (Lieutenant-Commander Bickford), and
conclude the audience by pinning on the D.S.O. Naval Secretary might find
out what they think about this at the Palace. It seems probable that similar,
though not necessarily the same, awards will be required in the case of the
Commander of the Ursula, and h
and find themselves in complete agreement with the principles
enunciated in paragraphs 1 to 5.
2. The Commander-in-Chief assures us that the paramount
Prime Minister.
13.VIII.40.
294
importance of immediate counter-attack upon the enemy, should
he obtain a temporary footing on these shores, has been
impressed on all ranks, and that it is his policy to bring back
divisions into reserve as soon as they are adequately trained and
equipped for offensive operations.
3. The Chiefs of Staff also agree with your assessment of the
relative scales of vulnerability to sea-borne attack of the various
sectors of the coast. Indeed, it is remarkable how closely the
present distribution of Home Defence divisions corresponds with
your figures in paragraph 12. This is worked out as follows:
4. Your theoretical scales of defence are:
5. A force of ten divisions, if distributed in the above proportions,
would give three divisions on Sector Forth-Wash, five divisions on
Sector Wash-Dover, and so on. There are, in fact, twenty-six
active divisions in this island, and, if your figures are multiplied by
2.6 and compared with actual distribution of these twenty-six
divisions, the following picture results:
6. The similarity between the two sets of figures is even closer
than appears at first sight, by reason of the fact that the reserve
divisions located immediately north and northwest of London are
available for deployment in either the sector Wash-Dover or the
sector Dover-Portsmouth, and therefore the number of
?available? divisions for these two sectors is variable. A total of
295
fifteen divisions is available on the combined sectors against your
suggested requirements of 16.75.
7. The Chiefs of Staff point out that your figures are based on
scales of sea-borne attack, whereas the actual distribution takes
into account the threat from air-borne attack as well. Thus,
although we may seem at present to be slightly overinsured
along the south coast, the reason for this is that our defences
there can be brought under the enemy fighter ?umbrella? and can
be subjected to assault across the Channel at comparatively short
range.
* * * * *
Even while these documents were being considered and printed, the situation
had begun to change in a decisive manner. Our excellent Intelligence
confirmed that the ?Operation Sea Lion? had been definitely ordered by Hitler
and was in active preparation. It seemed certain that the man was going to
try. Mat this
juncture, when we have a major peril to face on the northwestern
approaches. I could not therefore agree to your telegram, and I
should have thought my own (as amended in red) was quite
sufficient at the present time.
How are you getting on with the development on a large scale of
aerodromes in Greece to take modern bombers and fighters, and
with the movement of skeleton personnel, spare parts, etc.,
there?
It is quite clear to me this is going to be most important in the
near future, and we must try not to be taken by surprise by
events.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for the Dominions. 15.XII.40.
Prime Minister to C.A.S.
15.XII.40.
720
I should be glad to have a fortnightly report.
Please let me know the earliest date when the 2d Armoured
Division (a) will land at Suez, and (b) can be available for action
in the Western Desert.
I hope you will try to take a few days? rest, and seize every
opportunity of going to bed early. The fight is going to be a long
one, and so much depends upon you. Do not hesitate to send
your deputy to any meetings I may call.
Pray forgive my giving you these hints, but several people have
mentioned to me that you are working too hard.
* * * * *
The possible use and counter-use of poison gas, should invasion
come in the New Year, rested heavily upon me. Our progress in
this sphere was, however, considerable.
You will remember that the War Cabinet ordered an inquiry into
the fact that bulk storage for two thousand tons of mustard gas
which had been ordered by the Cabinet in October, 1938, was
still not ready in October, 1940.
The latest information which I have received from your Ministry
shows that the bulk stock of mustard gas on December 9 was
1485 tons. I was also informed through your Ministry that 650
tons of additional new storage was to have become available last
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
20.XII.40.
Prime Minister to C.A.S.
20.XII.40.
Prime Minister to Minister of Supply.
21.XII.40.
721
week, and that production was being increased accordingly. Was
this promise fulfilled?
Meanwhile, I note that the filling of the new twenty-five pounder
base-ejection shell has at last begun in earnest, and that 7812 of
this type of shell had been filled by December 9. I should be glad
to know how this figure compares with the total reserve of this
type of shell required by the Army, and when this reserve is likely
to be attained.
None of the new six-inch base-ejection shelcause me great anxiety. I had understood that Randle
[factorydrawn from existing units, ready to spring at the
throat of any small landings or descents. These officers and men
should be armed with the latest equipment, tommy guns,
grenades, etc., and should be given great facilities in motorcycles
and armoured cars.
* * * * *
Mr. Eden?s plan of raising Local Defence Volunteers, which he had proposed to
the Cabinet on May 13, met with an immediate response in all parts of the
country.
Could I have a brief statement of the L.D.V. position, showing the
progress achieved in raising and arming them, and whether they
are designed for observation or for serious fighting. What is their
relationship to the police, the Military Command, and the
Regional Commissioners? From whom do they receive their
orders, and to whom do they report? It would be a great comfort
if this could be compressed on one or two sheets of paper.
I had always hankered for the name ?Home Guard.? I had indeed suggested it
in October, 1939.
I don?t think much of the name ?Local Defence Volunteers ? for
your very large new force. The word ?local? is uninspiring. Mr.
Herbert Morrison suggested to me today the title ?Civic Guard,?
but I think ?Home Guard? would be better. Don?t hesitate to
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
22.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
26.VI.40.
167
change on account of already having made armlets, etc., if it is
thought the title of Home Guard would be more compulsive.
I hope you like my suggestion of changing the name ?Local
Defence Volunteers,? which is associated with Local Government
and Local Option, to ?Home Guard.? I found everybody liked this
in my tour yesterday.
The change was accordingly made, and the mighty organisation, which
presently approached one and a half million men and gradually acquired good
weapons, rolled forward.
* * * * *
In these days my principal fear was of German tanks coming ashore. Since my
mind was attracted to landing tanks on their coasts, I naturally thought they
might have the same idea. We had hardly any anti-tank guns or ammunition,
or even ordinary field artillery. The plight to which we were reduced in dealing
with this danger may be measured from the following incident. I visited our
beaches in St. Margaret?s Bay, near Dover. The Brigadier informed me that he
had only three anti-tank guns in his brigade, covering four or five miles of this
highly menaced coastline. He declared that he had only six rounds of
ammunition
armies and the support of our Belgian ally we still have stout
hearts and confidence in ourselves, we shall at once strengthen
our hands in negotiations and draw the admiration and perhaps
the material help of the U.S.A. Moreover, we feel that as long as
we stand together our undefeated Navy and our Air Force, which
is daily destroying German fighters and bombers at a formidable
rate, afford us the means of exercising in our common interest a
continuous pressure upon Germany?s internal life.
7. We have reason to believe that the Germans too are working
to a time-table, and that their losses and the hardships imposed
on them together with the fear of our air raids is undermining
their courage. It would indeed be a tragedy if by too hasty an
acceptance of defeat we threw away a chance that was almost
within our grasp of securing an honourable issue from the
struggle.
128
8. In my view if we both stand out we may yet save ourselves
from the fate of Denmark or Poland. Our success must depend
first on our unity, then on our courage and endurance.
This did not prevent the French Government from making a few days later a
direct offer of their own to Italy of territorial concessions, which Mussolini
treated with disdain. ?He was not interested,? said Ciano to the French
Ambassador on June 3, ?in recovering any French territories by peaceful
negotiation. He had decided to make war on France. ? 2 This was only what we
had expected.
* * * * *
I now gave daily a series of directions to make sure that if we were subjected
to this odious attack by Mussolini we should be able to strike back at once.
Pray bring the following before the C.O.S. Committee:
What measures have been taken, in the event of Italy?s going to
war, to attack Italian forces in Abyssinia, sending rifles and
money to the Abyssinian insurgents, and generally to disturb that
country?
I understand General Smuts has sent a Union brigade to East
Africa. Is it there yet? When will it be? What other arrangements
are made? What is the strength of the Khartoum garrison,
including troops in the Blue Nile Province? This is the opportunity
for the Abyssinians to liberate themselves with Allied help.
2. If France is still our ally after an Italian declaration of war, it
would appear extremely desirable that the combined fleets,
acting from opposite ends of the Mediterranean, should pursue
an active offensive against Italy. It is important that at the outset
collision shoullines of
defence drawn up between Dover and London and Harwich and
London. Now that the coast is finished, there is no reason why
we should not develop these lines, which in no way detract from
the principle of vehement counter-attack.
But the most urgent matter is one or two modern six-inch to
shoot all German craft up to thirty-five thousand yards.
I am also endeavouring to obtain from United States at least a
pair of their sixteen-inch coast-defence weapons. These fire fortyfive
thousand yards, throwing a ton and a quarter, without being
super-charged. They should therefore be very accurate. General
Strong, United States Army, mentioned this to me as a promising
line. He thought, without committing his Government, that the
United States Army might be prepared to take a couple of these
guns and their carriages away from some of their twin batteries.
Let me know all details about these guns. It ought to be possible
to make the concrete foundation in three months, and I expect it
would take as long to get these guns over here. There are very
few ships that can carry them on their decks.
It becomes particularly urgent to attack the batteries on the
French shore. Yesterday?s photographs show guns being actually
hoisted up into position, and it will be wise to fire on them before
they are able to reply. There are quite enough guns in position
already. I trust, therefore, Erebus will not be delayed, as every
day our task will become harder.
It seems most necessary to damage and delay the development
of the hostile batteries in view of the fact that we are so far
behindhand with our own.
At the beginning of September our heavy-gun strength towards the sea was:
Prime Minister to General Ismay and First Sea Lord.
31.VIII.40.
276
These were soon to be further reinforced by two 13.5-inch guns from the old
battleship Iron Duke, which were being erected on railway mountings, and a
battery of four 5.5-inch guns from H.M.S. Hood. Many of these additional guns
were manned by the Royal Navy and Royal Marines.
Although still inferior in numbers to the enemy we thus had a powerful fire
concentration.
In addition one of the eighteen-inch howitzers I had saved after the First
World War and twelve twelve-inch howitzers were installed for engaging
enemy landings. All these were mobile and would have brought a terrible fire
on any landing-area.
* * * * *
As the months of July and August passed without any disaster, we settled
ourselve
This represented the highest professional advice, and of course is just the kind of thing that
passes easily through a grave, wise Cabinet. Events swept it away; but not until a great
deal of money had been spent. The barrage mines came in handy later on for other tasks.
* * * * *
Presently a new and formidable danger threatened our life. During September and October,
nearly a dozen merchant ships were sunk at the entrance of our harbours, although these
had been properly swept for mines. The Admiralty at once suspected that a magnetic mine
378
had been used. This was no novelty to us; we had even begun to use it on a small scale at
the end of the previous war. In 1936, an Admiralty Committee had studied counter -
measures against magnetic-firing devices, but their work had dealt chiefly with countering
magnetic torpedoes or buoyant mines, and the terrible damage that could be done by large
ground-mines laid in considerable depth by ships or aircraft had not been fully realised.
Without a specimen of the mine, it was impossible to devise the remedy. Losses by mines,
largely Allied and neutral, in September and October had amounted to fifty-six thousand
tons, and in November Hitler was encouraged to hint darkly at his new ?secret weapon? to
which there was no counter. One night when I was at Chartwell, Admiral Pound came down
to see me in serious anxiety. Six ships had been sunk in the approaches to the Thames.
Every day hundreds of ships went in and out of British harbours, and our survival depended
on their movement. Hitler's experts may well have told him that this form of attack would
compass our ruin. Luckily he began on a small scale, and with limited stocks and
manufacturing capacity.
Fortune also favoured us more directly. On November 22 between 9 and 10 P.M., a German
aircraft was observed to drop a large object attached to a parachute into the sea near
Shoeburyness. The coast here is girdled with great areas of mud which uncover with the
tide, and it was immediately obvious that whatever the object was it could be examined
and possibly recovered at low water. Here was our golden opportunity. Before midnight
that same night two highly skilled officers, Lieutenant-Commanders Ouvry and Lewis from
H.M.S. Vernon, the naval establishment responsible for developing underwater weapons,
were called to the Admiralty, where the First Sea Lord and I interviewed them and heard
their plans. By 1.30 in the morning, they were on t? His tone was extremely peculiar.
Nimoxing, Yin Kexi and the others were familiar with his voice after spending time with him, they were surprised when they heard this voice and all turned towards him. They were even more shocked when they saw his face, it had somehow has completely changed, his face had the appearance of a zombie before but now it looked even odder.
Fawang, Nimoxing and the others were slightly worried, ?So this person possesses such great internal energy, even his face changes. He?s circulating his internal energy so he can immediately strike out; does he want to show the Valley Master a thing or two?? They all put their guards up when they thought about this.
The Valley Master replied, ?My ancestors did work in the Tang court as officials, when they saw what state the court had falling into under Yang Guozhong, they were furious and left to reside in a secluded place.?
Xiaoxiang Zi laughed, ?Your ancestors must have drunk the water that Royal Concubine Yang had washed her feet with.?
Everyone?s face in the hall changed as soon as these words came out. It was a challenge to the Valley Master and he was going to make his move very soon.
Fawang and the others were surprised, thinking, ?This Xiaoxiang Zi is extremely crafty, he always lets other people go first in all matters, why has he volunteered to go first suddenly??
The Valley Master ignored him and signaled to the old long bearded man. The old bearded man said clearly, ?Our Master has treated you with respect as guests, how can you say such things??
Xiaoxiang Zi laughed and said in his strange manner, ?Your ancestor has definitely drunk the foot water of Royal Concubine Yang; if they haven?t drunk it, I?ll cut off my head for you.?
Ma Guangzou was surprised and asked, ?Brother Xiaoxiang, how do you know? Could it be that you drank some that day as well??
Xiaoxiang Zi laughed, his voice changed again as he said, ?If they didn?t drink the foot water and upset their stomachs, what other reason is there for them not to eat meat??
Ma Guangzou clapped and laughed, he called out, ?Yes, yes, it must be for this reason.?
But Fawang and the others frowned, they all felt that Xiaoxiang Zi?s words were going a bit too far; everyone has their own eating habits, how can you use it as a joke? Not mentioning the fact that the six of them were deep in this valley, the people of this valley were definitely not kind people; even if fists had to be raised, a backup plan should bto First and Second Sea Lords in the sense of
surmounting the difficulties. I am very clear that the Admirals of the Fleet
should remain on the Active List like Field-Marshals, and should not be
penalised for winning promotion unduly young. You might explain to the
Treasury privately that no money is involved. What is the value of being
made Admiral of the Fleet if it is only to hoist the Union flag for one day and
retire to Cheltenham, writing occasional letters to The Times?
There must be no discrimination on grounds of race or colour [in the
employment of Indians or Colonial natives in the Royal Navythat the French idea is
that, provided the Belgians are still holding out on the Meuse, the
French and British Armies should occupy the line Givet-Namur, the
British Expeditionary Force operating on the left. We consider it
would be unsound to adopt this plan unless plans are concerted with
the Belgians for the occupation of this line in sufficient time before
the Germans advance. Unless the present Belgian attitude alters and
plans can be prepared for early occupation of the Givet-Namur [also
called Meuse-Antwerpbe available at five days? notice to
move into the Delta for internal security or other emergency
employment. The Polish Brigade and the French Volunteer Unit
should move to the Delta from Palestine as may be convenient
and join the general reserve.
9. The movement of the Indian division now embarking or in
transit should be accelerated to the utmost. Unless some of the
troops evacuated from Somaliland and not needed for Aden are
found sufficient to reinforce the Soudan, in addition to
reinforcements from Kenya, this whole division, as is most
419
desirable, should proceed to Suez to join the Army of the Delta
[later called the Army of the Nilethe Ukraine, which means an
invasion of Russian territory. All along the whole of this eastern front you
can see that the major interests of Russia are definitely engaged, and
therefore it seems you could fairly judge that they would pool their interests
with other countries similarly affected.
* * * * *
If you are ready to be an ally of Russia in time of war, which is the supreme
test, the great occasion of all, if you are ready to join hands with Russia in
the defence of Poland, which you have guaranteed, and of Rumania, why
should you shrink from becoming the ally of Russia now, when you may by
that very fact prevent the breaking-out of war? I cannot understand all these
refinements of diplomacy and delay. If the worst comes to the worst, you
are in the midst of it with them, and you have to make the best of it with
them. If the difficulties do not arise, well, you will have had the security in
the preliminary stages.
* * * * *
284
His Majesty's Government have given a guarantee to Poland. I was
astounded when I heard them give this guarantee. I support it, but I was
astounded by it, because nothing that had happened before led one to
suppose that such a step would be taken. I want to draw the attention of
the Committee to the fact that the question posed by Mr. Lloyd George ten
days ago and repeated today has not been answered. The question was
whether the General Staff was consulted before this guarantee was given as
to whether it was safe and practical to give it, and whether there were any
means of implementing it. The whole country knows that the question has
been asked, and it has not been answered. That is disconcerting and
disquieting.
* * * * *
Clearly Russia is not going to enter into agreements unless she is treated as
an equal, and not only is treated as an equal, but has confidence that the
methods employed by the Allies? by the peace front? are such as would be
likely to lead to success. No one wants to associate himself with
indeterminate leadership and uncertain policies. The Government must
realise that none of these states in Eastern Europe can maintain themselves
for, say, a year's war unless they have behind them the massive, solid
backing of a friendly Russia, joined to the combination of the Western
Powers. In the main, I agree with Mr. Lloyd George that if there is to be an
effective eastern front? an eastern peace front, or a war front as it might
become? it can be set up only with the eff
indispensable. This is being done. But surely effort must be made
to aid Greece directly, even if only with token forces. Quite
understand how everyone with you is fixed on idea of set-piece
battle at Mersa Matruh. For that very reason it is unlikely to
occur. Enemy will await completion pipeline and development of
larger forces than are now concentrated. Your difficulties in
attacking across the desert obvious, but if you have no major
offensive of your own in Libya possible during next two months,
Prime Minister to Mr. Eden [at G.H.Q., Middle East
Libyan communications while they last.
Let me have the number of A.A. guns now in position, and the
whole maximum content [of them in and two more by the end of May. Let me know
how far the present prospects of men and material allow of this.
Let me know also what are the latest ideas for the structure and
organisation of an armoured division. This should be prepared on
one sheet of paper, showing all the principal elements and
accessories.
It is very important to get on with the uniforms for the Home
Guard. Let me have a forecast of deliveries.
My objection was to anything in the nature of sinking at sight or
sinking without due provision for the safety of the crews.
Provided this is excluded, there can be no reason against sinking
a captured ship if, owing to air attack or other military reasons, it
is impossible to bring her into port as a prize. The disadvantages
of sinking a ship and losing valuable tonnage are obvious, and I
do not see why in nineteen cases out of twenty the Admiralty
cannot put a prize crew on board and send the ship in, in the
ordinary way. I see no objection to the action taken in the
Hermione case,7 which falls entirely within the general principles
set forth above.
The whole question of holidays and reduced hours should be
considered by the Cabinet at an early date. It is far too soon to
assume that the danger has passed. It is a great mistake to tell
the workpeople that they are tired. On the other hand, certain
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
2.VIII.40.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to First Lord. 2.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Sir Edward Bridges.
2.VIII.40.
653
easements are indispensable. Please communicate with Mr.
Bevin, Lord Beaverbrook, and the Minister of Supply so that their
views may be in readiness for Cabinet conversation. I should also
like to know what is being done about holidays for the Civil
Service and for Ministers, and persons in high Service positions.
Something will have to be done about this, but we must be very
careful not to be caught while in an August mood.
The attached memorandum by Lord Mottistone on duties of
police in the event of invasion raises a very difficult question, and
one that must be speedily settled. We cannot surely make
ourselves responsible for a system where the police will prevent
the people from resisting the enemy, and will lay down their arms
and become the enemy?s servant in any invaded area. I confess I
do not see my way quite clearly to the amendments required in
the regulations. In principle, however, it would seem that the
police should withdraw from any inbring relative battleship
strength in home waters to a smaller margin than is satisfactory.
Bismarck and Tirpitz will certainly be in service in January. We
have already King George V, and hope to have Prince of Wales in
the line at the same time. These modern ships are, of course, far
better armoured, especially against air attack, than vessels like
Rodney and Nelson, designed twenty years ago. We have
recently had to use Rodney on transatlantic escort, and at any
time, when numbers are so small, a mine or a torpedo may alter
decisively the strength of the line of battle. We get relief in June,
when Duke of York will be ready, and shall be still better off at
the end of 1941, when Anson also will have joined. But these two
first-class modern 35,000-ton 3 fifteen-inch-gun German
battleships force us to maintain a concentration never previously
necessary in this war.
8. We hope that the two Italian Littorios will be out of action for a
while, and anyway they are not so dangerous as if they were
manned by Germans. Perhaps they might be! We are indebted to
you for your help about the Richelieu and Jean Bart, and I
daresay that will be all right. But, Mr. President, as no one will
see more clearly than you, we have during these months to
consider for the first time in this war a fleet action in gucci leather handbags which the
enemy will have two ships at least as good as our two best and
only two modern ones. It will be impossible to reduce our
strength in the Mediterranean, because the attitude of Turkey,
and indeed the whole position in the Eastern Basin, depends
upon our having a strong fleet there. The older, unmodernised
battleships will have to go for convoy. Thus, even in the
battleship class we are in full extension.
9. There is a second field of danger: The Vichy Government may,
either by joining Hitler?s New Order in Europe or through some
manoeuvre, such as forcing us to attack an expedition
despatched by sea against the Free French Colonies, find an
excuse for ranging with the Axis Powers the very considerable
undamaged naval forces still under its control. If the French Navy
were to join the Axis, the control of West Africa would pass
555
immediately into their hands, with the gravest consequences to
our communications between the Northern and Southern Atlantic,
and also affecting Dakar and of course thereafter South America.
10. A third sphere of danger is in the Far East. Here it seems
clear that Japan is thrusting southward tof a battle squadron which the enemy heavy ships dare not
engage. Around this battle squadron the light forces will act. It is suggested that three
10,000-ton eight -inch-gun cruisers and two six -inch should form the cruiser squadron,
together with two flotillas of the strongest combat destroyers, a detachment of submarines,
and a considerable contingent of ancillary craft, including, if possible, depot ships, and a
fleet repair vessel.
(2) On the approved date the ?Catherine? Fleet would traverse the passage by night or day,
as judged expedient, using if desired smoke screens. The destroyers would sweep ahead of
the fleet, the mine-bumpers would precede the ?Rs,? and the cruisers and lighter vessels
would follow in their wake. All existing apparatus of paravanes and other precautions can
be added. It ought, therefore, to be possible to overcome the mining danger, and there are
no guns to bar the channel. A heavy attack from the air must be encountered by the
combined batteries of the Fleet.
Note: An aircraft carrier could be sent in at the same time and kept supplied with reliefs of
aircraft reaching it by flight.
PART III
It is not necessary to enlarge on the strategic advantages of securing the command of this
theatre. It is the supreme naval offensive open to the Royal Navy. The isolation of Germany
522
from Scandinavia would intercept the supplies of iron ore and food and all other trade. The
arrival of this Fleet in the theatre and the establishment of command would probably
determine the action of the Scandinavian States. They could be brought in on our side; in
which case a convenient base could be found capable of being supplied overland. The
difficulty is that until we get there, they do not dare; but the three months' oil supply
should give the necessary margin, and if the worst comes to the worst, it is not seen why
the Fleet should not return as it came. The presence of this Fleet in the theatre would hold
all enemy forces on the spot. They would not dare to send them on the trade routes,
except as a measure of despair. They would have to arm the whole northern shore against
bombardment, or possibly even, if the alliance of the Scandinavian Powers was obtained,
military descents. The influence of this movement upon Russia would be far-reaching, but
we cannot count on this.
Secrecy is essential, as surprise must play its full part. For this purpose the term
?Catherine? will always be used in speaking of the ope
3.XI.40.
531
then you should run risks to stimulate Greek resistance. Over
seventy thousand men sent to Middle East Command since June
and thirty thousand reaching you before November 15, fifty-three
thousand by end of the year. Armoured regiments have started in
big convoy yesterday. Cannot therefore believe that various
minor offensives of which you speak, plus major defence at
Mersa Matruh, will outvalue need of effective action in Greece.
No one will thank us for sitting tight in Egypt with ever-growing
forces while Greek situation and all that hangs on it is cast away.
Loss of Athens far greater injury than Kenya and Khartoum, but
no necessity for such a price to be paid. Read carefully Palairet?s
(our minister in Athens) telegrams. New emergencies must be
met in war as they come, and local views must not subjugate
main issue. No one expected Italy so late in the year would
attack Greece. Greece, resisting vigorously with reasonable aid
from Egypt and England, might check invaders. I am trying to
send substantial bomber and fighter reinforcements to Crete and
Greece, flying from England, with stores by cruiser. If this proves
feasible details will be cabled tomorrow or Monday. Trust you will
grasp situation firmly, abandoning negative and passive policies
and seizing opportunity which has come into our hands. ?Safety
first? is the road to ruin in war, even if you had the safety, which
you have not. Send me your proposals earliest, or say you have
none to make.
And again:
4.XI.40.
We are sending you air reinforcements, arriving as fully explained
in accompanying message from Chiefs of Staff. Send at once to
Greece one Gladiator squadron and two more Blenheim
squadrons, three in all. If necessary send a second battalion to
Crete. Agreeably with arrival of our air reinforcements aforesaid
and at earliest send one more Gladiator squadron. Anti-aircraft
guns for airfields in Greece should precede arrival of squadrons.
532
It was proposed at this time to ask the Greeks to keep their Cretan division in
the island. I therefore minuted:
It will be difficult to deny the Greeks the use of this Cretan
division. If that be so, we shall certainly have to put more troops
on the island. It is important that there should be a certain
number of troops, and that it should be thought by the enemy
that we are landing considerable numbers. The area to be
watched is very extensive, and the consequences of a counter -
attack woul I have little doubt that the President's
speech against dictatorships has been largely influenced by our talk, and I
trust that the ground on the tariff and currency side is also being explored.
Thank you so much for your letter of September 20, and for the generous
things you have written about Nyon, which I much appreciate. I thought
your summing up of the position at Nyon, ?It is only rarely that an
opportunity comes when stern and effective measures can be brought to
Mr. Churchill to Mr. Eden. 20.IX.37.
Mr. Eden to Mr. Churchill. 25.IX.37.
189
bear upon an evil-doer without incurring the risk of war,? effectively
described the position. Mussolini has been unwise enough to overstep the
limits, and he has had to pay the penalty. There is no doubt that the
spectacle of eighty Anglo -French destroyers patrolling the Mediterranean
assisted by a considerable force of aircraft has made a profound impression
on opinion in Europe. From reports which I have received, Germany herself
has not been slow to take note of this fact. It was a great relief, both to
Delbos and me, to be able to assert the position of our respective countries
in this way in the autumn of a year in which we have inevitably had to be so
much on the defensive. There is plenty of trouble ahead, and we are not
yet, of course, anything like as strong in the military sense as I would wish,
but Nyon has enabled us to improve our position and to gain more time.
I also cordially agree with you on the importance of the Anglo-French cooperation
which we have now created in the Mediterranean. The whole
French attitude was, of course, fundamentally different from that which
prevailed when Laval was in command. The French Naval Staff could not
have been more helpful, and they really made a great effort to make an
important contribution to the joint force. Our Admiralty were, I am sure,
impressed. Moreover, the mutual advantages to which you refer in respect
of the use of each other's bases are very valuable. Nor will Italian
participation, whatever its ultimate form, be able to affect the realities of the
situation.
The Nyon Conference, although an incident, is a proof of how powerful the combined
influence of Britain and France, if expressed with conviction and a readiness to use force,
would have been upon the mood and policy of the Dictators. That such a policy would have
prevented war at this stage cannot be asserted. It might easily have delayed it. It is the
and the night following.?
In Norway it appeared that Narvik was likely to be captured by us at any
moment, but Lord Cork was informed that in the light of the news from France
3
The Battle of France
The Second Week: Weygand
May 17 to May 24
58
no more reinforcements could be sent to him.
The battle crisis grew hourly in intensity. At the request of General Georges,
the British Army prolonged its defensive flank by occupying points on the
whole line from Douai to P?ronne, thus attempting to cover Arras, which was
a road centre vital to any southward retreat. That afternoon the Germans
entered Brussels. The next day they reached Cambrai, passed St. Quentin,
and brushed our small parties out of P?ronne. The French Seventh, the
Belgian, the British, and the French First Army all continued their withdrawal
to the Scheldt, the British standing along the Dendre for the day, and forming
the detachment ?Petreforce? (a temporary grouping of various units under
Major General Petre) for the defence of Arras.
At midnight (May 18?19) Lord Gort was visited at his headquarters by General
Billotte. Neither the personality of this French general nor his proposals, such
as they were, inspired confidence in his allies. From this moment the
possibility of a withdrawal to the coast began to present itself to the British
Commander-in-Chief. In his despatch published in March, 1941, he wrote:
?The picture was now [night of the 19th
M.A.P. Ministry of Aircraft Production
M.E. Middle East
M.E.W. Ministry of Economic Warfare
M. of I. Ministry of Information
M. of L. Ministry of Labour
M. of S. Ministry of Supply
O.K.H. Oberkommando das Heeres. Supreme Command of the German
Army
O.T.U. Operational Training Unit
P.M. Prime Minister
U.P. Unrelated projectiles, i.e., code name for rockets
V.C.A.S. Vice Chief of the Air Staff
V.C.I.G.S. Vice Chief of the Imperial General Staff
V.C.N.S. Vice Chief of the Naval Staff
W.A.A.F. Women?s Auxiliary Air Force
W.R.N.S. Women?s Royal Naval Service. ?Wrens?
755
Book One
Chapter 1
* Eisenhower ?Crusade in Europe.?
1 The house in Downing Street, usually occupied by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
2 The Defence Committee met 40 times in 1940, 76 in 1941, 20 in 1942, 14 in
1943, and 10 in 1944.
Chapter 2
1 Volume 1, page 378.
2 The French ?mobilisation? of five millions included many not under arms ?
e.g., in factories, on the land, etc.
3 ?Operation Royal Marine? was first planned in November, 1939. The mines
were designed to float down the Rhine and destroy enemy bridges and
shipping. They were fed into the river from French territory upstream. See
Volume I, Book II, pages 508?10.
4 As other accounts of what passed have appeared, I asked Lord Ismay, who
was at my side throughout, to give his recollection. He writes:
?We did not sit round a table, and much may have been said as we walked
about in groups. I am positive that you did not express any ?considered
military opinion? on what should be done. When we left London we considered
Notes
756
the break-through at Sedan serious, but not mortal. There had been many
?breakthroughs? in 1914?18, but they had all been stopped, generally by
counterattacks from one or both sides of the salient.
?When you realised that the French High Command felt that all was lost, you
asked Gamelin a number of questions, with, I believe, the dual object, first of
informing yourself as to what had happened and what he proposed to do, and
secondly of stopping the panic. One of these questions was: ?When and where
are you going to counter-attack the flanks of the Bulge? From the north or
from the south?? I am sure that you did not press any particular strategical or
tactical thought upon the conference. The burden of your song was: ?Things
may be bad, but are certainly not incurable.? ?
5 His two volumes, entitled Servir, throw little light either upon his personal
conduct of eveto the Chiefs of the Staff for C.-in-C. Home Forces,
adding: ?I consider that fog is the gravest danger, as it throws
both air forces out of action, baffles our artillery, prevents
organised naval attack, and specially favours the infiltration
tactics by which the enemy will most probably seek to secure his
lodgments. Should conditions of fog prevail, the strongest
possible air barrage must be put down upon the invasion ports
during the night and early morning. I should be glad to be
advised of the proposed naval action by our flotillas, both in
darkness and at dawn: (a) if the fog lies more on the English
than the French side of the Channel; (b) if it is uniform on both
sides.
?Are we proposing to use radio aids to navigation?
?Prolonged conditions of stand -by under frequent air
bombardment will be exhausting to the enemy. Nonetheless, fog
is our foe.?
In spite of all the danger it was important not to wear the men out.
Inquire from the C.O.S. Committee whether in view of the rough
weather Alert Number 1 might not be discreetly relaxed to the
next grade.
Report to me.
Prime Minister to Colonel Jacob. 16.IX.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
18.IX.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
18.IX.40.
456
Make inquiries whether there is no way in which a sheet of
flaming oil can be spread over one or more of the invasion
harbours. This is no more than the old fire-ship story, with
modern improvements, that was tried at Dunkirk in the days of
the Armada. The Admiralty can surely think of something.
The De Wilde ammunition is of extreme importance. At Number
11 Group the bombing of its factory was evidently considered a
great blow. I can quite understand the output dropping to 38,000
rounds in the week while you are moving from Woolwich and
getting reinstated, but I trust it will revive again. Pray let me
know your future forecast for the next four weeks. If there is
revival in prospect, we might perhaps draw a little upon our
reserve.
I must show you the comments made upon the latest returns of
small-arms ammunition by my Statistical Department. They cause
me the greatest anxiety. In particular the De Wilde ammunition,
which is the most valuable, is the most smitten. It seems to me
that a most tremendous effort must be made, not only on the
whole field of Marks 7 and 8, but on De Wilde and armourpiercing.
I am well aware of your difficulties. Will you let me
know if there is any way in which I can help you to overcodiscussed situation in Crete. Admiral
Cunningham emphasised the value of possession of Crete to us
as a means of securing Eastern Mediterranean and of interfering
with Italian transit traffic to North Africa. It would not, however,
be possible to base fleet on Suda Bay for more than a few hours
at a time at present owing to lack of anti-submarine protection.
He does not consider Italian attempt to take Crete is to be
anticipated in the near future, nor unless and until Greece is
overrun. He and Wavell have concerted arrangements for sending
Mr. Eden to Prime Minister.
3.XI.40.
534
at once to Crete a part of the reinforcements referred to in my
telegram of November 1. Admiral Cunningham does not consider
it is necessary to keep any large British military garrison in Crete,
and is convinced that once the Cretans are organised, one
battalion, together with anti-aircraft defences, would suffice. We
then discussed the general question of help to Greece. As we said
on September 22, ?any assistance we may be able to give to
Greece cannot be given until German-Italian threat to Egypt is
finally liquidated, the security of Egypt being vital to our strategy
and incidentally to the future of Greece.? ?
Chief cry for help is for air reinforcements. Number 30 Blenheim
Squadron left today for Athens. Longmore again emphasised his
extreme reluctance to add any more squadrons to the Greek
commitment in present conditions. He feels that to do so would
lead to a large wastage of his aircraft from Italian attack whilst
the aircraft are on Greek or Cretan aerodromes unprepared with
protecting pens, adequate ground anti-aircraft defence, and other
precautions of such nature, which are difficult to improvise at
short notice? .In general all Commanders-in-Chief were strongly
of the opinion that the defence of Egypt is of paramount
importance to our whole position in the Middle East. They
consider that from the strategical point of view the security of
Egypt is the most urgent commitment, and must take precedence
of attempts to prevent Greece being overrun. It is also essential if
we are to retain the support of Turkey? .
He added in my private cipher the following:
5.XI.40.
Although reinforcements ordered in Chiefs of Staffs? telegrams
involve additional risks in Western Desert and probably increased
casualties, these risks must be faced in view of political
commitments to aid Greece. Withdrawal, though it will hamper
arrangements made the visit was kept in a minor key. Effective contact
has not been made. How far apart we are from these people! It is another
world. We were talking about it after dinner to the Duce. ?These men,? said
Mussolini, ?are not made of the same stuff as Francis Drake and the other
magnificent adventurers who created the Empire. They are after all the tired
sons of a long line of rich men.?
The British [noted Cianonine feet, thus enabling
a certain channel where the depth is only twenty-six feet to be passed. There are at
present no guns commanding this channel, and the States on either side are neutral.
Therefore there would be no harm in hoisting the armour belt temporarily up to the water
level. The method proposed would be to fasten caissons [bulges U 47 crept quietly away back through the gap. A
blockship arrived twenty-four hours later.
This episode, which must be regarded as a feat of arms on the part of the German U-boat
commander, gave a shock to public opinion. It might well have been politically fatal to any
Minister who had been responsible for the pre-war precautions. Being a newcomer I was
immune from such reproaches in these early months, and moreover, the Opposition did not
attempt to make capital out of the misfortune. On the contrary, Mr. A. V. Alexander was
restrained and sympathetic. I promised the strictest inquiry.
368
On this occasion the Prime Minister also gave the House an account of the German air raids
which had been made on October 16 upon the Firth of Forth. This was the first attempt the
Germans had made to strike by air at our Fleet. Twelve or more machines in flights of two
or three at a time had bombed our cruisers lying in the Firth. Slight damage was done to
the cruisers Southampton and Edinburgh and to the destroyer Mohawk. Twenty-five
officers and sailors were killed or wounded; but four enemy bombers were brought down,
three by our fighter squadrons and one by the anti-aircraft fire. It might well be that only
half the bombers had got home safely. This was an effective deterrent.
The following morning, the seventeenth, Scapa Flow was raided, and the old Iron Duke,
now a demilitarised and disarmoured hulk used as a depot ship, was injured by near
misses. She settled on the bottom in shallow water and continued to do her work
throughout the war. Another enemy aircraft was shot down in flames. The Fleet was
happily absent from the harbour. These events showed how necessary it was to perfect the
defences of Scapa against all forms of attack before allowing it to be used. It was nearly six
months before we were able to enjoy its commanding advantages.
* * * * *
The attack on Scapa Flow and the loss of the Royal Oak provoked instant reactions in the
Admiralty. On October 31, accompanied by the First Sea Lord, I went to Scapa to hold a
second conference on these matters in Admiral Forbes' flagship. The scale of defence for
Scapa upon which we now agreed included reinforcement of the booms and additional
blockships in the exposed eastern channels, as well as controlled minefields and other
devices. These formidable deterrents would be reinforced by further patrol craft and guns
sited to cover all approaches. Against air attack it was planned Regular battalions. The speed
of this fast convoy should be accelerated.
2. Everything must be done to carry out the recommendations for
the control of aliens put forward by the Committee and minuted
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S.
18.V.40.
60
by me on another paper. Action should also be taken against
Communists and Fascists, and very considerable numbers should
be put in protective or preventive internment, including the
leaders. These measures must, of course, be brought before the
Cabinet before action.
3. The Chiefs of Staff must consider whether it would not be well
to send only half of the so-called Armoured Division to France.
One must always be prepared for the fact that the French may be
offered very advantageous terms of peace, and the whole weight
be thrown on us.
* * * * *
I also thought it necessary, with the approval of my colleagues, to send the
following grave telegrams to President Roosevelt in order to show how
seriously the interests of the United States would be affected by the conquest
and subjugation not only of France but of Great Britain. The Cabinet pondered
over these drafts for a while, but made no amendment.
I do not need to tell you about the gravity of what has happened.
We are determined to persevere to the very end, whatever the
result of the great battle raging in France may be. We must
expect in any case to be attacked here on the Dutch model
before very long, and we hope to give a good account of
ourselves. But if American assistance is to play any part it must
be available soon.
Lothian has reported his conversation with you. I understand
your difficulties, but I am very sorry about the destroyers. If they
were here in six weeks they would play an invaluable part. The
Former Naval Person to President Roosevelt.
18.V.40.
Former Naval Person to President Roosevelt.
20.V.40.
61
battle in France is full of danger to both sides. Though we have
taken heavy toll of the enemy in the air and are clawing down
two or three to one of their planes, they have still a formidable
numerical superiority. Our most vital need is, therefore, the
delivery at the earliest possible date of the largest possible
number of Curtiss P-40 fighters, now in course of delivery to your
Army.
With regard to the closing part of your talk with Lothian, our
intention is, whatever happens, to fight on to the end in this
island, and, provided we can get the help for which we ask, we
hope to run them
2.XI.40.
529
are reaching you by November 15, which must affect local
situation in Egypt.
During Mr. Eden?s earlier conferences and talks with General Wavell and also
with General Wilson, he posed the question, What action was intended if the
Italian offensive did not develop? He was told in extreme secrecy that a plan
was being made to attack the Italians in the Western Desert instead of waiting
for them to open their offensive against Mersa Matruh. Neither he nor Wavell
imparted these ideas to me or to the Chiefs of Staff. General Wavell begged
the Secretary of State for War not to send any telegram on this subject, but to
tell us verbally about it when he got home. Thus for some weeks we remained
without knowledge of the way their minds were moving. It is clear from my
message of October 26 that any forestalling operation on a large scale in the
Western Desert would command my keen support. We were all, however,
until Mr. Eden?s return left under the impression that Wavell and Wilson were
still wedded to the defensive battle at Mersa Matruh, and would wait there
until they were attacked. The only action they seemed to contemplate in this
extremely serious crisis was to send a battalion or so to Crete, a few air
squadrons to Greece, and make some minor diversions against the
Dodecanese and a small though desirable offensive in the Soudan. This
seemed by no means good enough employment for the very large forces with
which, at great risk, exertion, and cost, we had furnished them.
Our correspondence during this period was thus on both sides based upon
misunderstanding. Wavell and the Secretary of State thought that for the sake
of giving ineffectual aid to Greece we were pressing them to dissipate the
forces they were gathering for an offensive in the Western Desert. We, on the
other hand, not crediting them with offensive intentions, objected to their
standing idle or trifling at such a crucial moment. In fact, as will presently be
seen, we were all agreed. On November 1, indeed, Mr. Eden telegraphed
cryptically:
We cannot from Middle East forces send sufficient air or land
reinforcements to have any decisive influence upon course of
fighting in Greece. To send such forces from here, or to divert
reinforcements now on their way or approved, would imperil our
whole position in the Middle East and jeopardise plans for an
offensive operation now being laid in more than one theatre. 3
530
After much painful effort and aagainst us. It is therefore a race. They will not be able to get
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War.
27.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Professor Lindemann.
29.VI.40.
173
the captured factories working immediately, and meanwhile we
shall get round the invasion danger through the growth of our
defences and Army strength. But what sort of relative outputs
must be faced next year unless we are able to bomb the newly
acquired German plants? Germany also, being relieved from the
need of keeping a gigantic army in constant contact with the
French Army, must have spare capacity for the air and other
methods of attacking us. Must we not expect this will be very
great? How soon can it come into play? Hitherto I have been
looking at the next three months because of the emergency, but
what about 1941? It seems to me that only immense American
supplies can be of use in turning the corner.
* * * * *
As the month of June ground itself out, the sense of potential invasion at any
moment grew upon us all.
The Admiralty charts of tides and state of the moon, Humber,
Thames Estuary, Beachy Head, should be studied with a view to
ascertaining on which days conditions will be most favourable to
a sea-borne landing. The Admiralty view is sought.
A landing or descent in Ireland was always a deep anxiety to the Chiefs of
Staff. But our resources seemed to me too limited for serious troop
movements.
It would be taking an undue risk to remove one of our only two
thoroughly equipped divisions out of Great Britain at this
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
30.VI.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
30.VI.40.
174
juncture. Moreover, it is doubtful whether the Irish situation will
require the use of divisional formations complete with their
technical vehicles as if for Continental war. The statement that it
would take ten days to transport a division from this country to
Ireland, even though every preparation can be made beforehand,
is not satisfactory. Schemes should be prepared to enable two or
three lightly equipped brigades to move at short notice, and in
not more than three days, into Northern Ireland. Duplicate
transport should be sent on ahead. It would be a mistake to send
any large force of artillery to Ireland. It is not at all likely that a
naval descent will be effected there. Air-borne descents cannot
carry much artillery. Finally, nothing that can happen in Ireland
can be immediately decisive.
* * * * *
In bringing home theYugoslavia, and have
wished to see whether it was a serious attack upon Yugoslavian
independence or merely taking some naval bases in the Adriatic.
However, this situation has changed. Italy is continually
threatening to go to war with England and France, and not by
?the back door.? We are so near a break with Italy on grounds
which have nothing to do with Yugoslavia, that it would seem
that our main aim might well be now to procure this Balkan
mobilisation. Will you think this over?
* * * * *
In spite of the extreme efforts made by the United States, of which Mr. Hull
has given an impressive account in his memoirs,4 nothing could turn Mussolini
from his course. Our preparations to meet the new assault and complication
were well advanced when the moment came. On June 10 at 4.45 P.M. the
Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs informed the British Ambassador that Italy
would consider herself at war with the United Kingdom from 1 P.M. the next
day. A similar communication was made to the French Government. When
Ciano delivered his note to the French Ambassador, M. Fran?ois-Poncet
remarked as he reached the door: ?You too will find the Germans are hard
masters.? The British Ambassador, Sir Percy Loraine, received the
announcement with perfect composure and apparent indifference. He asked
only one question: Was Ciano?s statement early news or was it in fact the
declaration of war? Ciano replied it was the latter. Loraine then made a formal
bow and left the room without another word.5 From his balcony in Rome
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. 6.VI.40.
132
Mussolini announced to well-organised crowds that Italy was at war with
France and Britain. It was, as Ciano is said to have apologetically remarked
later on, ?A chance which comes only once in five thousand years. ? Such
chances, though rare, are not necessarily good.
Forthwith the Italians attacked the French troops on the Alpine front and
Great Britain reciprocally declared war on Italy. The five Italian ships detained
at Gibraltar were seized and orders were given to the Navy to intercept and
bring into controlled ports all Italian vessels at sea. On the night of the 12th
our bomber squadrons, after a long flight from England which meant light
loads, dropped their first bombs, upon Turin and Milan. We looked forward,
however, to a much heavier delivery as soon as we could use the French
airfields at Marseilles.
It may be convenient at this point tohas taken her case before the Court,
and she asks for justice there. If the Court finds that her case is just, but is
unable to offer any satisfaction, the Covenant of the League of Nations will
have been proved a fraud, and collective security a sham. If no means of
lawful redress can be offered to the aggrieved party, the whole doctrine of
international law and co-operation upon which the hopes of the future gucci twirl ladies watch are
based would lapse ignominiously. It would be replaced immediately by a
system of alliances and groups of nations deprived of all guarantees but
their own right arm. On the other hand, if the League of Nations were able
to enforce its decree upon one of the most powerful countries in the world
found to be an aggressor, then the authority of the League would be set
upon so majestic a pedestal that it must henceforth be the accepted
sovereign authority by which all the quarrels of people can be determined
and controlled. Thus we might upon this occasion reach by one single bound
the realisation of our most cherished dreams.
But the risk! No one must ignore it. How can it be minimised? There is a
simple method: the assembly of an overwhelming force, moral and physical,
in support of international law. If the relative strengths are narrowly
balanced, war may break out in a few weeks, and no one can measure what
the course of war may be, or who will be drawn into its whirlpools, or how, if
ever, they will emerge. But if the forces at the disposal of the League of
Nations are four or five times as strong as those which the aggressor can as
yet command, the chances of a peaceful and friendly solution are very good.
Therefore, every nation, great or small, should play its part according to the
Covenant of the League.
Upon what force can the League of Nations count at this cardinal moment?
Has she sheriffs and constables with whom to sustain her judgments, or is
she left alone, impotent, a hollow mockery amid the lip-serving platitudes of
irresolute or cynical devotees? Strangely enough for the destiny of the
world, there was never a moment or occasion when the League of Nations
could command such overwhelming force. The constabulary of the world is
at hand. On every side of Geneva stand great nations, armed and ready,
whose interests as well as whose obligations bind them to uphold, and in the
last resort enforce, the public law. This may never come to pass again. The
fateful moment has arrived for choice between the New of the Staff, three Ministers,
and General Ismay, who all have a voice in Norwegian operations (apart
from Narvik). But no one is responsible for the creation and direction of
military policy except yourself. If you feel able to bear this burden, you may
count upon my unswerving loyalty as First Lord of the Admiralty. If you do
not feel you can bear it, with all your other duties, you will have to delegate
your powers to a deputy who can concert and direct the general movement
of our war action, and who will enjoy your support and that of the War
Cabinet unless very good reason is shown to the contrary.
Before I could send it of
We have not expected them to send military aid,...
07:44, 2009-Dec-30
.. Link
We have not
expected them to send military aid, but they have not even sent
any worthy contribution in destroyers or planes, or by a visit of a
squadron of their Fleet to southern Irish ports. Any pressure
which you can apply in this direction would be invaluable.
We are most deeply grateful to you for all your help and for [the
four Canadianfrom her pockets, two ?ting? noises were heard as they collided with each other, she said, ?Little brother, if you follow my instructions then I?ll give these ingots to you.?
Yang Guo originally didn?t want to have anything do with her, but he heard that her words were suspicious and wanted to find out what she wanted so he pretended to be stupid, and looked at the ingots and said, ?What use do those shiny rocks have??
The Taoist priestess smiled and said, ?It?s money. If you want new clothes, chickens, rice, you could buy them with this.?
Yang Guo put on a baffled expression and said, ?You want to lie to me, I don?t believe you.?
The Taoist priestess laughed and said, ?When have I lied to you? Hey, little kid, what is your name??
Yang Guo said, ?Everyone calls me ?Sha Dan? (Dumb Egg), don?t you know that? What?s your name??
The Taoist priestess laughed and said, ?Sha Dan, you can call me Angelic Priestess, where?s your mother??
Yang Guo said, ?My mum just scolded me, and went over to the other side of the mountain to chop firewood.?
The Taoist priestess said, ?I need a hatchet, go to your home and get one, and then lend it to me.?
Yang Guo was curious, he opened his eyes wide, drooled and made himself look even more like a stupid person, he shook his head incessantly and said, ?I can?t; I can?t lend my family?s hatchet. If dad finds out I?ll be punished.?
The Taoist priestess smiled and said, ?When your parents see the money, they?ll be too pleased to punish you.? As she said this she passed an ingot in his direction. Yang Guo extended his hand to catch it, and then pretended to miss it, and let the ingot hit his shoulder and when it came down it hit his right foot, he held his right foot with his hands and hopped on his left foot and called out, ?Ah, ah, you hit me! I?m going to tell mother!? He called and shouted; he ignored the ingot and ran forward.
The Taoist priestess thought that he was interesting, and smiled. She took off her belt, and waved it at his right foot. Yang Guo heard the wind sound and turned his head around, he was alarmed, and thought, ?That?s our Ancient Tomb sect?s kung fu! Isn?t she a disciple of Quanzhen?? He didn?t dodge and let her belt wrap around his right leg, he fell on the ground and relaxed his body, letting her pull him towards her, and secretly feared, ?Is she going up the mountain to attack Gu Gu??
He thought about Xiao Longnu, he didn?t know whether she was dead or alive, he was extremely worri though progressing
rapidly towards the production stage, will not be available in sufficient
quantities, even if all goes well, for many months to come. We have not
been able so far to give the additional armour protection to our larger ships.
The political situation in the Baltic is as baffling as ever. On the other hand,
the arrival of the Bismarck in September adds greatly to the scale of the
surface resistance to be encountered.
2. But the war may well be raging in 1941, and no one can tell what
opportunities may present themselves then. I wish, therefore, that all the
preparations of various ships and auxiliaries outlined in your table and
marked as ?beneficial? should continue as opportunity offers; that when
ships come into the dockyards for repair or refit, everything should be done
to them which will not delay their return to service. And it would surely be
only common prudence, in view of the attitude of Russia, to go on warning
our destroyers for service in winter seas. I am glad to feel that we are
agreed in this.
* * * * *
Mr. Churchill to First Sea Lord. 15.I.40.
415
So far no ally had espoused our cause. The United States was cooler than in any other
period. I persevered in my correspondence with the President, but with little response. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer groaned about our dwindling dollar resources. We had already
signed a pact of mutual assistance with Turkey, and were considering what aid we could
give her from our narrow margins. The stresses created by the Finnish War had worsened
our relations, already bad, with the Soviets. Any action we might undertake to help the
Finns might lead to war with Russia. The fundamental antagonisms between the Soviet
Government and Nazi Germany did not prevent the Kremlin actively aiding by supplies and
facilities the development of Hitler's power. Communists in France and any that existed in
Britain denounced the ?imperialist-capitalist? war, and did what they could to hamper work
in the munition factories. They certainly exercised a depressing and subversive influence
within the French Army, already wearied by inaction. We continued to court Italy by
civilities and favourable contracts, but we could feel no security, or progress towards
friendship. Count Ciano was polite to our Ambassador. Mussolini stood aloof.
The Italian Dictator was not, however, without his own misgivings. On January 3, he wrote
a revealing letter to Hitler expressing his distaste f outraged by this decision, communicated to the President
and me on June 5 his fear that the British might be conserving
their Air Force and Fleet so as to use them as bargaining points in
negotiations with Hitler. The President and I, however, thought
differently. France was finished, but we were convinced that
Britain, under Churchill?s indomitable leadership, intended to fight
on. There would be no negotiations between London and Berlin.
Only the day before Bullitt?s telegram, Churchill had made his
magnificent speech in the House of Commons. The President and
I believed Mr. Churchill meant what he said. Had we had any
doubt of Britain?s determination to keep on fighting, we would not
have taken the steps we did to get material aid to her. There
would have been no logic in sending arms to Britain if we had
146
thought that, before they arrived there, Churchill?s Government
would surrender to Germany.
* * * * *
The month of June was particularly trying to all of us, because of the dual and
opposite stresses to which in our naked condition we were subjected by our
duty to France on the one hand and the need to create an effective army at
home and to fortify the island on the other. The double tension of antagonistic
but vital needs was most severe. Nevertheless, we followed a firm and steady
policy without undue excitement. First priority continued to be given to
sending whatever trained and equipped troops we had, in order to
reconstitute the British Expeditionary Force in France. After that our efforts
were devoted to the defence of the island; first, by re-forming and reequipping
the Regular Army; secondly, by fortifying the likely landing-places;
thirdly, by arming and organising the population, so far as was possible; and
of course by bringing home whatever forces could be gathered from the
Empire. At this time the most imminent dangers seemed to be the landing of
comparatively small but highly mobile German tank forces which would rip us
up and disorganise our defence, and also parachute descents. In close contact
with the new Secretary of State for War, Anthony Eden, I busied myself on all
this.
The following scheme was devised by the Secretary of State and the War
Office for reconstituting the Army in accordance with the directives which had
been issued. Seven mobile brigade groups were already in existence. The
divisions returned from Dunkirk were reconstituted, re -equipped as fast as
possible, and took up tThe Dominions have been kept fully informed.
This was no time for recriminations about the past. The guarantee to Poland was supported
by the leaders of all parties and groups in the House. ?God helping, we can do no other,?
was what I said. At the point we had reached, it was a necessary action. But no one who
understood the situation could doubt that it meant in all human probability a major war in
which we should be involved.
* * * * *
In this sad tale of wrong judgments formed by well-meaning and capable people, we now
reach our climax. That we should all have come to this pass makes those responsible,
however honourable their motives, blameworthy before history. Look back and see what
we had successively accepted or thrown away: a Germany disarmed by solemn treaty; a
Germany rearmed in violation of a solemn treaty; air superiority or even air parity cast
away; the Rhineland forcibly occupied and the Siegfried Line built or building; the Berlin -
Rome Axis established; Austria devoured and digested by the Reich; Czechoslovakia
deserted and ruined by the Munich Pact; its fortress line in German hands; its mighty
arsenal of Skoda henceforward making munitions for the German armies; President
Roosevelt's effort to stabilise or bring to a head the European situation by the intervention
of the United States waved aside with one hand, and Soviet Russia's undoubted willingness
to join the Western Powers and go all lengths to save Czechoslovakia ignored on the other;
the services of thirty-five Czech divisions against the still unripened German Army cast
away, when Great Britain could herself supply only two to strengthen the front in France?
all gone with the wind.
And now, when every one of these aids and advantages has been squandered and thrown
away, Great Britain advances, leading France by the hand, to guarantee the integrity of
Poland? of that very Poland which with hyena appetite had only six months before joined in
the pillage and destruction of the Czechoslovak State. There was sense in fighting for
Czechoslovakia in 1938 when the German Army could scarcely put half a dozen trained
263
divisions on the Western Front, when the French with nearly sixty or seventy divisions could
most certainly have rolled forward across the Rhine or into the Ruhr. But this had been
judged unreasonable, rash, below the level of modern intellectual thought and morality. Yet
now at last the two Western Democracies declared themselves readyI stressed the disadvantages which an
occupation of Norway by the British would have for us: the control
of the approaches to the Baltic, the outflanking of our naval
operations and of our air attacks on Britain, the end of our pressure
on Sweden. I also stressed the advantages for us of the occupation
of the Norwegian coast: outlet to the North Atlantic, no possibility of
a British mine barrier, as in the year 1917/18. The Fuehrer saw at
once the significance of the Norwegian problem; he asked me to
leave the notes and stated that he wished to consider the question
himself.
Rosenberg, the Foreign Affairs expert of the Nazi Party, and in charge of a special bureau
to deal with propaganda activities in foreign countries, shared the Admiral's views. He
dreamed of ?converting Scandinavia to the idea of a Nordic community embracing the
northern peoples under the natural leadership of Germany.? Early in 1939, he thought he
404
had discovered an instrument in the extreme Nationalist Party in Norway, which was led by
a former Norwegian Minister of War named Vidkun Quisling. Contacts were established,
and Quisling's activity was linked with the plans of the German Naval Staff through the
Rosenberg organisation and the German Naval Attach?in Oslo.
Quisling and his assistant, Hagelin, came to Berlin on December 14, and were taken by
Raeder to Hitler, to discuss a political stroke in Norway. Quisling arrived with a detailed
plan. Hitler, careful of secrecy, affected reluctance to increase his commitments, and said
he would prefer a neutral Scandinavia. Nevertheless, according to Raeder, it was on this
very day that he gave the order to the Supreme Command to prepare for a Norwegian
operation.
Of all this we, of course, knew nothing. The two Admiralties thought with precision along
the same lines in correct strategy, and one had obtained decisions from its Government.
* * * * *
Meanwhile, the Scandinavian peninsula became the scene of an unexpected conflict which
aroused strong feeling in Britain and France, and powerfully affected the discussions about
Norway. As soon as Germany was involved in war with Great Britain and France, Soviet
Russia in the spirit of her pact with Germany proceeded to block the lines of entry into the
Soviet Union from the west. One passage led from East Prussia through the Baltic States;
another led across the waters of the Gulf of Finland; the third route was through Finland
itself and across the Karelia and the Colonies [Lord Lloydcan play a much more important role in the
fighting in this theatre than we had thought. General Wavell
would much like a second battalion of ?I? tanks, and a Brigade
Recovery Section, especially important to maintain full
serviceability.
Although no reference had been made in the Secretary of State for War ?s
telegram to our taking the offensive, I was very glad to learn all the good
news, and urged him to continue his inspection.
498
I have read all your telegrams with deepest interest and
realisation of the value of your visit. We are considering how to
meet your needs. Meanwhile, continue to master the local
situation. Do not hurry your return.
Eden further arranged for a Turkish Mission to join our Army, and proposed to
General Smuts a meeting at Khartoum to discuss the whole situation, and
particularly our Soudan offensive project, and my complaints about the
overcrowding in Kenya. This meeting was fixed for October 28, a date which
later acquired significance. I need scarcely add that requests for all kinds of
equipment, including ten thousand rifles to aid the rebellion in Abyssinia, and
above all for anti-tank guns, anti-tank rifles, anti-aircraft batteries and air
reinforcements, flowed to us in a broadening stream. We did our utmost to
meet these needs at the expense of home defence at this time. There was not
half enough for everybody, and whatever was given to one man had to be
denied or taken from another also in danger. Mr. Eden proposed to fly back by
Lagos immediately after his conference at Khartoum, preferring to make a full
verbal report of all he had seen and done. I was so much encouraged by the
picture as to become hungry for a turn to the offensive in the Western Desert.
I therefore telegraphed to him:
26.X.40.
Before leaving, you should consider searchingly with your
Generals possibilities of a forestalling offensive. I cannot form any
opinion about it from here, but if any other course was open it
would not be sound strategy to await the concentration and
deployment of overwhelming forces. I thought the existing plans
for repelling an attack by a defensive battle and counter-stroke
very good, but what happens if the enemy do not venture until
the Germans arrive in strength? Do not send any answer to this,
but examine it thoroughly and discuss it on return.
Please examine in detail the field state of the Middle Eastern
Army in order to secure the largest proportion of fighting men
Prime Minis which deprives us of invaluable
resources [fifty Infantry tanks or ?I? tankswas the most humane, when he thought about it, Huo Dou did not resemble any of the four princes.
Qiu Chuji said, ?I?m afraid that a man of his stature coming to create havoc here has an ulterior motive. His kung fu originates from Western Tibet; he arrived in the central plains at the beginning of the year. He wounded the three heroes of Henan, and later on he single-handedly killed the seven Lords of Lanzhou. His name was spread widely throughout the land, we didn?t predict that he would have the nerve to come to our sect and cause trouble. The other Tibetan monk is called Da?erba; he has supernatural strength, and his kung fu is from the same school as Huo Dou. It appears that he is the senior apprentice brother. He is a monk, of course he hasn?t come here to get married; he?s here to aid Huo Dou.
When the rest of the evil men heard the two were coming, they remembered the matter of dueling for marriage. Years ago, in front of a crowd of people, Li Mochou had said the tomb contained mountains of treasures, and had countless kung fu manuscripts and manuals; saying there was the formulae to the ?Eighteen Subduing Dragon Palms?, the ?Solitary Yang Finger? and numerous others. Although the crooks and scoundrels were unsure, they thought that if they went up to the mountain and opened up the tomb, they would be able to get a share of the spoils. About one hundred or so of them came up the mountain. Originally our ?Big Dipper Formation? could have easily repelled them away from the foot of our mountain, not allowing them to come through and teach them not to take one step into Chongyang Palace. We were resisting them when the misunderstanding occurred; there is no need to say anymore.?
Guo Jing felt very guilty and apologetic, and wanted to say a few words of apology. Qiu Chuji waved his hand and laughed, ?Letting a laugh out rids your worries and the moon is still in the sky above the western lake. The halls and buildings are just objects; human possessions mean nothing, so why worry about them? You have honed your martial arts for the last ten years, could it be that you do not understand the meaning of this??
Guo Jing laughed and said, ?Yes!?
Qiu Chuji laughed and said, ?Actually when I saw the back courtyard being burned down to the ground, I was very angry and furious, but after a while I calmed down. Compared to how calm apprentice brother Ma was, I am nowhere as enlightened as he is.?
Guo Jing said, ?You can?t blame yourself for getting angrmust be driven forward to the utmost limit.
The full order for the thirty-five thousand vehicles should be
placed in the United States without further delay. Meanwhile the
inquiry into the scale required by the War Office is to proceed.
I was the author of this plan of pow-wow, but the Greek
complication seems to be serious. It will be of enormous
advantage to us if Germany delays or shrinks from an attack on
Bulgaria through Greece. I should not like those people in Greece
to feel that, for the sake of what is after all only a parade, we
Prime Minister to General Ismay, and others concerned. 24.XI.40
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
24.XI.40
Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary.
27.XI.40.
710
had pressed them into action which could be cited by Germany as
a justification for marching. The only thing to do is to put the
meeting off until we can see a little more clearly on this very
confused chessboard of Eastern Europe.
I think the Dominions should be told that we are waiting for the
Greek situation to define itself more clearly, and that this ought
not to take more than a fortnight. I do not think it is necessary to
give any reasons to the Allied Governments, except to assure
them that the delay will be short.
[Reference: Draft telegram to General Metaxas. while disarmament ought vigorously to be pursued
as the chief objective of the Government, a situation in which a great
country not a member of the League of Nations possesses the most
powerful army and perhaps the most powerful air force in Western Europe,
with probably a greater coefficient of expansion than any other air force
cannot be allowed to endure. The Liberal Party would feel bound to support
measures of national defence when clear proof was afforded of their
necessity. I cannot therefore agree that to increase our national armaments
is necessarily inconsistent with our obligations under the collective peace
system.
He then proceeded to deal at length with ?the question of private profits being made out of
the means of death,? and quoted a recent speech by Lord Halifax, Minister of Education,
who had said that the British people were ?disposed to regard the preparation of
instruments of war as too high and too grave a thing to be entrusted to any hands less
responsible than those of the State itself.? Sir Archibald Sinclair thought that there ought to
be national factories for dealing with the rapid expansion in air armaments, for which
expansion, he said, a case had been made out.
The existence of private armament firms had long been a bugbear to Labour and Liberal
99
minds, and it lent itself readily to the making of popular speeches. It was, of course, absurd
to suppose that at this time our air expansion, recognised as necessary, could be achieved
through national factories only. A large part of the private industry of the country was
urgently required for immediate adaptation and to reinforce our existing sources of
manufacture. Nothing in the speeches of the Opposition leaders was in the slightest degree
related to the emergency in which they admitted we stood, or to the far graver facts which
we now know lay behind it.
The Government majority for their part appeared captivated by Mr. Baldwin's candour. His
admission of having been utterly wrong, with all his sources of knowledge, upon a vital
matter for which he was responsible was held to be redeemed by the frankness with which
he declared his error and shouldered the blame. There was even a strange wave of
enthusiasm for a Minister who did not hesitate to say that he was wrong. Indeed, many
Conservative Members seemed angry with me for having brought their trusted leader to a
plight from which only his native manliness and honesty had extricated him; buorder was sent
at 2 A.M. to Calais saying that evacuation was decided in principle,
but this is surely madness. The only effect of evacuating Calais
would be to transfer the forces now blocking it to Dunkirk. Calais
must be held for many reasons, but specially to hold the enemy
on its front. The Admiralty say they are preparing twenty-four
naval twelve-pounders, which with S.A.P.1 will pierce any tank.
Some of these will be ready this evening.
I must know at earliest why Gort gave up Arras, and what
actually he is doing with the rest of his army. Is he still
persevering in Weygand?s plan, or has he become largely
stationary? If the latter, what do you consider the probable
course of events in the next few days, and what course do you
recommend? Clearly, he must not allow himself to be encircled
without fighting a battle. Should he [notthere is such a thing as national defence. We think that you have to go forward
to disarmament and not to the piling-up of armaments.? Neither side usually has much to
be proud of at election times. The Prime Minister himself was no doubt conscious of the
138
growing strength behind the Government's foreign policy. He was, however, determined
not to be drawn into war on any account. It seemed to me, viewing the proceedings from
outside, that he was anxious to gather as much support as possible and use it to begin
British rearmament on a modest scale.
* * * * *
The Conservative Party Conference was held at Bourne-mouth on the very day when
Mussolini began his attack on Abyssinia and his bombs were falling on Adowa. In view of
this, and not less of the now imminent general election, we all closed our ranks as party
men.
I supported a resolution which was carried unanimously:
(1) To repair the serious deficiencies in the defence forces of the Crown,
and, in particular, first, to organise our industry for speedy conversion to
defence purposes, if need be.
(2) To make a renewed effort to establish equality in the air with the
strongest foreign air force within striking distance of our shores.
(3) To rebuild the British Fleet and strengthen the Royal Navy, so as to
safeguard our food and livelihood and preserve the coherence of the British
Empire.
Hitherto in these years I had not desired office, having had so much of it, and being
opposed to the Government on their Indian policy. But with the passage of the India Bill,
which was to take some years to come into force, this barrier had fallen away. The growing
German menace made me anxious to lay my hands upon our military machine. I could now
feel very keenly what was coming. Distracted France and timid, peace-loving Britain would
soon be confronted with the challenge of the European Dictators. I was in sympathy with
the changing temper of the Labour Party. Here was the chance of a true National
Government. It was understood that the Admiralty would be vacant, and I wished very
much to go there should the Conservatives be returned to power. I was, of course, well
aware that this desire was not shared by several of Mr. Baldwin's principal colleagues. I
represented a policy, and it was known that I should strive for it whether from without or
from within. If they could do without me, they would certainly be very glad. To some
extent this depended upon their majority.
* * * * *
to the attacked area.
6. Parachutists, Fifth-Columnists, and enemy motor-cyclists who
may penetrate or appear in disguise in unexpected places must
be left to the Home Guard, reinforced by special squads. Much
thought must be given to the [enemyraids on
Lyons and Marseilles, that we should be able to strike back with
our heavy bombers at Italy the moment she enters the war. I
consider therefore that these squadrons should be flown to their
aerodromes in Southern France at the earliest moment when
French permission can be obtained and when the servicing units
are ready for their reception.
Pray let me know at our meeting tonight what you propose.
It is of the highest importance that we should strike at Italy the
moment war breaks out, or an overbearing ultimatum is received.
Please let me know the exact position of the servicing units which
are on their way to the southern aerodromes in France.
An early Italian plan, favoured particularly by Ciano, had been that Italian
action in Europe should be confined to the launching of an attack on
Yugoslavia, thus consolidating Italy?s power in Eastern Europe and
strengthening her potential economic position. Mussolini himself was for a
time won over to this idea. Graziani records that at the end of April the Duce
told him, ?We must bring Yugoslavia to her knees; we have need of raw
materials and it is in her mines that we must find them. In consequence my
strategic directive is ? defensive in the west (France) and offensive in the east
(Yugoslavia). Prepare a study of the problem.? 3 Graziani claims that he
advised strongly against committing the Italian armies, short as they were of
equipment, particularly of artillery, to a repetition of the Isonzo campaign of
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air and Chief of Air Staff. 2.VI.40.
Prime Minister to S. of S. for Air and C.A.S.
6.VI.40.
131
1915. There were also political arguments against the Yugoslav plan. The
Germans were anxious at this moment to avoid disturbing Eastern Europe.
They feared it would provoke British action in the Balkans and might
inadvertently tempt Russia to further activity in the East. I was not aware of
this aspect of Italian policy.
I have hitherto argued against going to war with Italy because
she attacked [i.e., if she were to attackdo this by fighting his
way to the coast and destroying the armoured troops which stand
between him and the sea with overwhelming force of artillery,
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
24.V.40.
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
25.V.40.
85
while covering himself and the Belgian front, which would also
curl back, by strong rearguards? Tomorrow at latest this decision
must be taken.
It should surely be possible for Dill to fly home from any
aerodrome momentarily clear, and R.A.F. should send a whole
squadron to escort him.
Pray find out who was the officer responsible for sending the
order to evacuate Calais yesterday, and by whom this very
lukewarm telegram I saw this morning was drafted, in which
mention is made of ?for the sake of Allied solidarity.? This is not
the way to encourage men to fight to the end. Are you sure there
is no streak of defeatist opinion in the General Staff?
Something like this should be said to the Brigadier defending
Calais: Defence of Calais to the utmost is of the highest
importance to our country and our Army now. First, it occupies a
large part of the enemy?s armoured forces, and keeps them from
attacking our line of communication. Secondly, it preserves a
sally-port from which portions of the British Army may make their
way home. Lord Gort has already sent troops to your aid, and the
Navy will do all possible to keep you supplied. The eyes of the
Empire are upon the defence of Calais, and His Majesty?s
Government are confident that you and your gallant regiment will
perform an exploit worthy of the British name.
This message was sent to Brigadier Nicholson at about 2 P.M. on May 25.
The final decision not to relieve the garrison was taken on the evening of May
26. Till then the destroyers were held ready. Eden and Ironside were with me
at the Admiralty. We three came out from dinner and at 9 P.M. did the deed. It
involved Eden?s own regiment, in which he had long served and fought in the
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War, and C.I.G.S. 25.V.40.
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
25.V.40.
86
previous struggle. One has to eat and drink in war, but I could not help feeling
physically sick as we afterwards sat silent at the table.
Here was the message to the Brigadier:
Every hour you continue to exist is of the greatest help to the
B.E.F. Government has therefore decided you must continue to
fight. Have greatest possible admiration for your splendid stand.
Evacuation will not (repeat not) taline, we are strongly of opinion that the
German advance should be met in prepared positions on the French
frontier.
In this case it would, of course, be necessary to bomb Belgian and Dutch towns and railway
centres used or occupied by German troops.
The subsequent history of this important issue must be recorded. It was brought before the
War Cabinet on September 20, and after a brief discussion was remitted to the Supreme
War Council. In due course the Supreme War Council invited General Gamelin's comments.
In his reply General Gamelin said merely that the question of Plan ?D? (i.e., the advance to
the Meuse-Antwerp line) had been dealt with in a report by the French delegation. In this
report the operative passage was: ?If the call is made in time the Anglo-French troops will
enter Belgium, but not to engage in an encounter battle. Among the recognised lines of
defence are the line of the Scheldt and the line Meuse-Namur-Antwerp.? After considering
the French reply, the British Chiefs of the Staff submitted another paper to the Cabinet,
which discussed the alternative of an advance to the Scheldt, but made no mention at all of
the far larger commitments of an advance to the Meuse-Antwerp line. When this second
report was presented to the Cabinet on October 4 by the Chiefs of Staff, no reference was
made by them to the all -important alternative of Plan ?D.? It was, therefore, taken for
granted by the War Cabinet that the views of the British Chiefs of the Staff had been met
and that no further action or decision was required. I was present at both these Cabinets,
and was not aware that any significant issue was still pending. During October, there being
no effective arrangement with the Belgians, it was assumed that chanel j12 watch the advance was limited
to the Scheldt.
Meanwhile, General Gamelin, negotiating secretly with the Belgians, stipulated: first, that
the Belgian Army should be maintained at full strength, and secondly, that Belgian
defences should be prepared on the more advanced line from Namur to Louvain. By early
November, agreement was reached with the Belgians on these points, and from November
5 to 14, a series of conferences was held at Vincennes and La F?e, at which, or some of
which, Ironside, Newall, and Gort were present. On November 15, General Gamelin issued
his Instruction Number 8, confirming the agreements of the fourteenth, whereby support
would be given to the Belgians, ?if circumstances permitted,? by an advain the first nine
months (many more than are there now), but also an Indian
Corps fought by Christmas in France. Our weakness, slowness,
lack of grip and drive are very apparent on the background of
what was done twenty-five years ago. I really think that you,
Lloyd, and Amery ought to be able to lift our affairs in the East
and Middle East out of the catalepsy by which they are smitten.
* * * * *
This was a time when all Britain worked and strove to the utmost limit and
was united as never before. Men and women toiled at the lathes and
machines in the factories till they fell exhausted on the floor and had to be
dragged away and ordered home, while their places were occupied by
newcomers ahead of time. The one desire of all the males and many women
was to have a weapon. The Cabinet and Government were locked together by
bonds the memory of which is still cherished by all. The sense of fear seemed
entirely lacking in the people, and their representatives in Parliament were not
unworthy of their mood. We had not suffered like France under the German
flail. Nothing moves an Englishman so much as the threat of invasion, the
reality unknown for a thousand years. Vast numbers of people were resolved
to conquer or die. There was no need to rouse their spirit by oratory. They
165
were glad to hear me express their sentiments and give them good reasons
for what they meant to do, or try to do. The only possible divergence was
from people who wished to do even more than was possible, and had the idea
that frenzy might sharpen action.
Our decision to send our only two well-armed divisions back to France made it
all the more necessary to take every possible measure to defend the island
against direct assault. Our most imminent dangers at home seemed to be
parachute descents; or, even worse, the landing of comparatively small but
highly mobile German tank forces which would rip up and disorganise our
defence, as they had done when they got loose in France. In close contact
with the new Secretary of State for War, my thoughts and directions were
increasingly concerned with Home Defence. The fact that we were sending so
much to France made it all the more necessary to make the best of what we
had left for ourselves.
I should like to be informed upon (1) the coastal watch and
coastal batteries; (2) the gorging of the harbours and defended
inlets (i.e., the making of the landward defences); (3) the troops
held in immediate support of tgrievous aggravation [of and I
entirely agree with the principle that the first stage is the formulation of a
felt want by the fighting Service. Once this is clearly defined in terms of
simple reality it is nearly always possible for the scientific experts to find a
solution. The Services should always be encouraged to explain what it is that
hurts or hinders them in any particular branch of their work. For instance, a
soldier advancing across No-Man's-Land is hit by a bullet which prevents his
locomotion functioning further. It is no use telling him or his successor to be
D.S.R., Controller and Secretary. 16.X.39
559
brave, because that condition has already been satisfied. It is clear however
that if a steel plate or other obstacle had stood between the bullet and the
soldier, the latter's powers of locomotion would not have been deranged.
The problem therefore becomes how to place a shield in front of the soldier.
It then emerges that the shield is too heavy for him to carry, thus
locomotion must be imparted to the shield; and how? Hence the tanks. This
is of course a simple example.
2. In your list of Branches and Departments very little seems to be allowed
for physical investigation, the bulk being concentrated upon application and
development. I am therefore very glad to know that the Clarendon
Laboratory will be utilised for this purpose, and I shall be dealing with the
paper on that subject later in the day.
Requisitioning of Trawlers
I have asked the Minister of Agriculture to bring Mr. Ernest Bevin and his
deputation to the Admiralty at 4.15 o'clock tomorrow after they have
explored the ground among themselves. Let all be notified and an official
letter written to the Ministry of Agriculture inviting them here. I will preside
myself.
Meanwhile A.C.N.S., D.T.D. and Controller or Deputy-Controller should,
together with Financial Secretary, meet together this evening to work out a
plan, the object of which is the Utmost Fish, subject to naval necessity. The
immediate loss arising from our requisition should be shared between ports,
and the fact that a port has built the best kind of trawlers must not lead to
its being the worst sufferer. Side by side with this equalisation process a
type of trawler which can be built as quickly as possible, and will serve its
purpose, should be given facilities in the shipyards. As soon as these
trawlers flow in, they can either be added to the various ports or else be
given to the ports from whom thwas violent and brave, the second son Cha He Tai [Chagataihas taken her case before the Court,
and she asks for justice there. If the Court finds that her case is just, but is
unable to offer any satisfaction, the Covenant of the League of Nations will
have been proved a fraud, and collective security a sham. If no means of
lawful redress can be offered to the aggrieved party, the whole doctrine of
international law and co-operation upon which the hopes of the future are
based would lapse ignominiously. It would be replaced immediately by a
system of alliances and groups of nations deprived of all guarantees but
their own right arm. On the other hand, if the League of Nations were able
to enforce its decree upon one of the most powerful countries in the world
found to be an aggressor, then the authority of the League would be set
upon so majestic a pedestal that it must henceforth be the accepted
sovereign authority by which all the quarrels of people can be determined
and controlled. Thus we might upon this occasion reach by one single bound
the realisation of our most cherished dreams.
But the risk! No one must ignore it. How can it be minimised? There is a
simple method: the assembly of an overwhelming force, moral and physical,
in support of international law. If the relative strengths are narrowly
balanced, war may break out in a few weeks, and no one can measure what
the course of war may be, or who will be drawn into its whirlpools, or how, if
ever, they will emerge. But if the forces at the disposal of the League of
Nations are four or five times as strong as those which the aggressor can as
yet command, the chances of a peaceful and friendly solution are very good.
Therefore, every nation, great or small, should play its part according to the
Covenant of the League.
Upon what force can the League of Nations count at this cardinal moment?
Has she sheriffs and constables with whom to sustain her judgments, or is
she left alone, impotent, a hollow mockery amid the lip-serving platitudes of
irresolute or cynical devotees? Strangely enough for the destiny of the
world, there was never a moment or occasion when the League of Nations
could command such overwhelming force. The constabulary of the world is
at hand. On every side of Geneva stand great nations, armed and ready,
whose interests as well as whose obligations bind them to uphold, and in the
last resort enforce, the public law. This may never come to pass again. The
fateful moment has arrived for choice between the New mastery of the Atlantic and other oceans; also to
remember that vital materials from the outside world are
necessary to maintain all armies.
I am also greatly heartened by what Prime Minister Churchill said
a few days ago about the continued resistance of the British
Empire, and that determination would seem to apply equally to
the great French Empire all over the world. Naval power in world
affairs still carries the lessons of history, as Admiral Darlan well
knows.
President Roosevelt to M. Reynaud.
13.VI.40.
186
We all thought the President had gone a very long way. He had authorised
Reynaud to publish his message of June 10, with all that that implied, and
now he had sent this formidable answer. If, upon this, France decided to
endure the further torture of the war, the United States would be deeply
committed to enter it. At any rate, it contained two points which were
tantamount to belligerence: first, a promise of all material aid, which implied
active assistance; secondly, a call to go on fighting even if the Government
were driven right out of France. I sent our thanks to the President
immediately, and I also sought to commend the President?s message to
Reynaud in the most favourable terms. Perhaps these points were stressed
unduly; but it was necessary to make the most of everything we had or could
get.
Ambassador Kennedy will have told you about the British meeting
today with the French at Tours, of which I showed him our
record. I cannot exaggerate its critical character. They were very
nearly gone. Weygand had advocated an armistice while he still
has enough troops to prevent France from lapsing into anarchy.
Reynaud asked us whether, in view of the sacrifices and
sufferings of France, we would release her from the obligation
about not making a separate peace. Although the fact that we
have unavoidably been out of this terrible battle weighed with us,
I did not hesitate in the name of the British Government to refuse
consent to an armistice or separate peace. I urged that this issue
should not be discussed until a further appeal had been made by
Reynaud to you and the United States, which I undertook to
second. Agreement was reached on this, and a much better
mood prevailed for the moment in Reynaud and his Ministers.
Reynaud felt strongly that it would be beyond his power to
encourage his people to fight on without hope of ultimate victory,
and that that hope could only be kindled by American
interventihas sunk, the Glorious is sinking,
the least we can do is make a show, good luck to you all. ? We then
altered course into our own smoke-screen. I had the order stand by
to fire tubes 6 and 7, we then came out of the smokescreen, altered
course to starboard firing our torpedoes from port side. It was then I
had my first glimpse of the enemy, to be honest it appeared to me
to be a large one [shipbring relative battleship
strength in home waters to a smaller margin than is satisfactory.
Bismarck and Tirpitz will certainly be in service in January. We
have already King George V, and hope to have Prince of Wales in
the line at the same time. These modern ships are, of course, far
better armoured, especially against air attack, than vessels like
Rodney and Nelson, designed twenty years ago. We have
recently had to use Rodney on transatlantic escort, and at any
time, when numbers are so small, a mine or a torpedo may alter
decisively the strength of the line of battle. We get relief in June,
when Duke of York will be ready, and shall be still better off at
the end of 1941, when Anson also will have joined. But these two
first-class modern 35,000-ton 3 fifteen-inch-gun German
battleships force us to maintain a concentration never previously
necessary in this war.
8. We hope that the two Italian Littorios will be out of action for a
while, and anyway they are not so dangerous as if they were
manned by Germans. Perhaps they might be! We are indebted to
you for your help about the Richelieu and Jean Bart, and I
daresay that will be all right. But, Mr. President, as no one will
see more clearly than you, we have during these months to
consider for the first time in this war a fleet action in which the
enemy will have two ships at least as good as our two best and
only two modern ones. It will be impossible to reduce our
strength in the Mediterranean, because the attitude of Turkey,
and indeed the whole position in the Eastern Basin, depends
upon our having a strong fleet there. The older, unmodernised
battleships will have to go for convoy. Thus, even in the
battleship class we are in full extension.
9. There is a second field of danger: The Vichy Government may,
either by joining Hitler?s New Order in Europe or through some
manoeuvre, such as forcing us to attack an expedition
despatched by sea against the Free French Colonies, find an
excuse for ranging with the Axis Powers the very considerable
undamaged naval forces still under its control. If the French Navy
were to join the Axis, the control of West Africa would pass
555
immediately into their hands, with the gravest consequences to
our communications between the Northern and Southern Atlantic,
and also affecting Dakar and of course thereafter South America.
10. A third sphere of danger is in the Far East. Here it seems
clear that Japan is thrusting southward tmade it plain that if the Soviet
Government wished to make their own intervention contingent on
that of Great Britain and France, His Majesty's Government for their
part would have no objection.
It was a pity that this had not been explicitly stated a fortnight earlier.
It should be mentioned here that on May 12, the Anglo-Turkish Agreement was formally
ratified by the Turkish Parliament. By means of this addition to our commitments, we
hoped to strengthen our position in the Mediterranean in the event of a crisis. Here was our
answer to the Italian occupation of Albania. Just as the period of talking with Germany was
over, so now we reached in effect the same deadlock with Italy.
The Russian negotiations proceeded languidly, and on May 19 the whole issue was raised in
the House of Commons. The debate, which was short and serious, was practically confined
to the leaders of parties and to prominent ex-Ministers. Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Eden, and I
all pressed upon the Government the vital need of an immediate arrangement with Russia
of the most far-reaching character and on equal terms. Mr. Lloyd George began, and
painted a picture of gloom and peril in the darkest hues:
The situation reminds me very much of the feeling that prevailed in the early
spring of 1918. We knew there was a great attack coming from Germany,
281
but no one quite knew where the blow would fall. I remember that the
French thought it would fall on their front, while our generals thought it
would fall on ours. The French generals were not even agreed as to the part
of their front on which the attack would fall, and our generals were equally
divided. All that we knew was that there was a tremendous onslaught
coming somewhere, and the whole atmosphere was filled with I will not say
fear, but with uneasiness. We could see the tremendous activities behind the
German lines, and we knew that they were preparing something. That is
more or less what seems to me to be the position today we are all very
anxious; the whole world is under the impression that there is something
preparing in the nature of another attack from the aggressors. Nobody quite
knows where it will come. We can see that they are speeding up their
armaments at a rate hitherto unprecedented, especially in weapons of the
offensive? tanks, bombing airplanes, submarines. We know that they are
occupying and fortifying fresh positions that will give them strategic
advantages in a war with France and St. Nazaire, who are
to be sent to their destination without any warship protection of
any kind. If it is held to be a feasible operation to move twelve
thousand men unescorted onto the Irish or British western coasts
in the face of the full British sea-power, can this be reconciled
with the standard of danger-values now adopted in the
Mediterranean?
4. No one can see where or when the main attack on Egypt will
develop. It seems, however, extremely likely that if the Germans
are frustrated in an invasion of Great Britain or do not choose to
attempt it, they will have great need to press and aid the Italians
to the attack of Egypt. The month of September must be
regarded as critical in the extreme.
5. In these circumstances it is very wrong that we should attempt
to send our armoured brigade round the Cape, thus making sure
that during September it can play no part either in the defence of
England or Egypt.
6. I request that the operation of passing at least two M.T. ships
through with the Eastern reinforcements may be re-examined.
The personnel can be distributed in the warships, and it is a
lesser risk, from the point of view of the general war, to pass the
M.T. ships through the Mediterranean than to have the whole
armoured brigade certainly out of action going round the Cape.
So long as the personnel are properly distributed among the
warships, I am prepared to take the full responsibility for the
possible loss of the armoured vehicles.
439
I was not able to induce the Admiralty to send the armoured brigade, or at
least their vehicles, through the Mediterranean. I was both grieved and vexed
at this. Though my friendship for Admiral Pound and confidence in his
judgment were never affected, sharp argument was maintained. The
professional responsibility was his, and no naval officer with whom I ever
worked would run more risks than he. We had gone through a lot together. If
he would not do it, no one else would. If I could not make him, no one else
could. I knew the Admiralty too well to press them or my great friend and
comrade, Pound, or the First Lord, for whom I had high esteem, beyond a
certain point. My relations with the Admiralty were too good to be imperilled
by a formal appeal to the Cabinet against them.
When on August 15, I brought the question before the Cabinet finally I said
that I had hoped to persuade the Admiralty to fit the two armoured regiments
into ?Operation Hats.? If the tank-units proceeded t
strength or determination to use that strength without scruple and without
mercy if he thinks he can do so without getting his blows returned with
interest. I grant that. But I say this too: the very completeness of his
preparations has left him very little margin of strength still to call upon.
This proved an ill-judged utterance. Its main assumption that we and the French were
relatively stronger than at the beginning of the war was not reasonable. As has been
previously explained, the Germans were now in the fourth year of vehement munition
manufacture, whereas we were at a much earlier stage, probably comparable in fruitfulness
to the second year. Moreover, with every month that had passed, the German Army, now
four years old, was becoming a mature and perfected weapon, and the former advantage
of the French Army in training and cohesion was steadily passing away. The Prime Minister
showed no premonition that we were on the eve of great events, whereas it seemed almost
certain to me that the land war was about to begin. Above all, the expression ?Hitler
missed the bus? was unlucky.
All lay in suspense. The various minor expedients I had been able to suggest had gained
acceptance; but nothing of a major character had been done by either side. Our plans,
such as they were, rested upon enforcing the blockade by the mining of the Norwegian
corridor in the North, and by hampering German oil supplies from the Southeast. Complete
immobility and silence reigned behind the German Front. Suddenly, the passive or smallscale
policy of the Allies was swept away by a cataract of violent surprises. We were to
learn what total war means.
440
Lord Chatfield's Retirement ? The Prime Minister Invites Me to Preside over the Military Coordination
Committee ? An Awkward Arrangement ? ?Wilfred? ? Oslo ? The German
Seizure of Norway ? Tragedy of Neutrality ? All the Fleets at Sea ? The ?Glowworm? ?
The ?Renown? Engages the ?Scharnhorst? and ?Gneisenau? ? The Home Fleet off Bergen
? Action by British Submarines ? Warburton-Lee's Flotilla at Narvik ? Supreme War
Council Meets in London, April 9 ? Its Conclusions ? My Minute to the First Sea Lord,
April 10 ? Anger in England ? Debate in Parliament, April 11 ? The ?Warspite? and Her
Flotilla Exterminate the German Destroyers at Narvik ? Letter from the King.
B EFORE RESUMING THE NARRATIVE, I must explain the alterations in my position which
occurred during the month of April, 1940.
Lord Chatfiel and the night following.?
In Norway it appeared that Narvik was likely to be captured by us at any
moment, but Lord Cork was informed that in the light of the news from France
3
The Battle of France
The Second Week: Weygand
May 17 to May 24
58
no more reinforcements could be sent to him.
The battle crisis grew hourly in intensity. At the request of General Georges,
the British Army prolonged its defensive flank by occupying points on the
whole line from Douai to P?ronne, thus attempting to cover Arras, which was
a road centre vital to any southward retreat. That afternoon the Germans
entered Brussels. The next day they reached Cambrai, passed St. Quentin,
and brushed our small parties out of P?ronne. The French Seventh, the
Belgian, the British, and the French First Army all continued their withdrawal
to the Scheldt, the British standing along the Dendre for the day, and forming
the detachment ?Petreforce? (a temporary grouping of various units under
Major General Petre) for the defence of Arras.
At midnight (May 18?19) Lord Gort was visited at his headquarters by General
Billotte. Neither the personality of this French general nor his proposals, such
as they were, inspired confidence in his allies. From this moment the
possibility of a withdrawal to the coast began to present itself to the British
Commander-in-Chief. In his despatch published in March, 1941, he wrote:
?The picture was now [night of the 19thgo down during this process should it result adversely,
but in no conceivable circumstances will we consent to surrender.
If members of the present Administration were finished and
others came in to parley amid the ruins, you must not be blind to
the fact that the sole remaining bargaining counter with Germany
would be the Fleet, and, if this country was left by the United
States to its fate, no one would have the right to blame those
then responsible if they made the best terms they could for the
surviving inhabitants. Excuse me, Mr. President, putting this
nightmare bluntly. Evidently I could not answer for my
successors, who in utter despair and helplessness might well
have to accommodate themselves to the German will. However,
there is happily no need at present to dwell upon such ideas.
Once more thanking you for your good will ?
* * * * *
Far-reaching changes were now made by M. Reynaud in the French Cabinet
and High Command. On the 18th Marshal P?tain was appointed Vice -President
of the Council. Reynaud himself, transferring Daladier to Foreign Affairs, took
over the Ministry of National Defence and War. At 7 P.M. on the 19th he
appointed Weygand, who had just arrived from the Levant, to replace General
Gamelin. I had known Weygand when he was the right-hand man of Marshal
Foch, and had admired his masterly intervention in the Battle of Warsaw
against the Bolshevik invasion of Poland in August, 1920 ? an event decisive
62
for Europe at that time. He was now seventy-three, but was reported to be
efficient and vigorous in a very high degree. General Gamelin?s final Order
(No. 12), dated 9.45 A.M. on May 19, prescribed that the Northern Armies,
instead of letting themselves be encircled, must at all costs force their way
southward to the Somme, attacking the Panzer divisions which had cut their
communications. At the same time the Second Army and the newly forming
Sixth were to attack northward towards M?zi?res. These decisions were sound.
Indeed, an order for the general retreat of the Northern Armies southward
was already at least four days overdue. Once the gravity of the breach in the
French centre at Sedan was apparent, the only hope for the Northern Armies
lay in an immediate march to the Somme. Instead, under General Billotte,
they had only made gradual and partial withdrawals to the Scheldt and formed
the defensive flank to the right. Even now there might have been time for the
southward march.
The confusiare being employed
on all these [defencesaid they picked up
no fewer than eighty German machines brought down over the
land alone. This gives us a very good line for our own purposes. I
must say I am a little impatient about the American scepticism.
The event is what will decide all.
* * * * *
On August 20 I could report to Parliament:
The enemy is of course far more numerous than we are. But our
new production already largely exceeds his, and the American
production is only just beginning to flow in. Our bomber and
fighter strengths now, after all this fighting, are larger than they
have ever been. We believe that we should be able to continue
the air struggle indefinitely and as long as the enemy pleases,
and the longer it continues, the more rapid will be our approach
first towards that parity, and then into that superiority, in the air,
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air. 21.VIII.40.
321
upon which in large measure the decision of the war depends.
Up till the end of August, Goering did not take an unfavourable view of the air
conflict. He and his circle believed that the English ground organisation and
aircraft industry and the fighting strength of the R.A.F. had already been
severely damaged. They estimated that since August 8 we had lost 1115
aircraft against the German losses of 467. But of course each side takes a
hopeful view, and it is in the interest of their leaders that they should. There
was a spell of fine weather in September, and the Luftwaffe hoped for
decisive results. Heavy attacks fell upon our aerodrome installations round
London, and on the night of the 6th, sixty-eight aircraft attacked London,
followed on the 7th by the first large-scale attack of about three hundred. On
this and succeeding days, during which our anti-aircraft guns were doubled in
numbers, very hard and continuous air fighting took place over the capital,
and the Luftwaffe were still confident through their overestimation of our
losses. But we now know that the German Naval Staff, in anxious regard for
their own interests and responsibilities, wrote in their diary on September 10:
There is no sign of the defeat of the enemy?s air force over
Southern England and in the Channel area, and this is vital to a
further judgment of the situation. The preliminary attacks by the
Luftwaffe have indeed achieved a noticeable weakening of the
enemy?s fighter defence, so that considerable German fighter
superiority can be assumed over the English area. However ? we
have In addition to the above, at
least three batteries of British artillery, although horse -drawn,
must be embarked immediately from India for Suez. Admiralty to
arrange transport.
10. Most of the above movements should be completed between
September 15 and October 1, and on this basis the Army of the
Delta should comprise:
(1) The British Armoured Force in Egypt.
(2) The four British battalions at Mersa Matruh, the two at
Alexandria, and the two in Cairo ? total, eight.
(3) The three battalions from the Canal Zone.
(4) The reserve British Brigade from Palestine ? total, fourteen
British Regular infantry battalions.
(5) The New Zealand Brigade.
(6) The Australian Brigade from Palestine.
(7) The Polish Brigade.
(8) Part of the Union Brigade from East Africa.
(9) The Fourth Indian Division now in rear of Mersa Matruh.
(10) The new Indian division in transit.
(11) The eleven thousand men in drafts arriving almost at once at
Suez.
(12) All the artillery (one hundred and fifty guns) now in the
Middle East or en route from India.
(13) The Egyptian Army so far as it can be used for field
operations.
420
11. The above should constitute by October 1, at the latest thirtynine
battalions, together with the armoured forces; a total of
56,000 men and 212 guns. This is exclusive of internal security
troops.
(Part II)
12. It is hoped that the armoured brigade from England of three
regiments of tanks will be passed through the Mediterranean by
the Admiralty. If this is impossible, their arrival round the Cape
may be counted upon during the first fortnight in October. The
arrival of this force in September must be deemed so important
as to justify a considerable degree of risk in its transportation.
(Part III) Tactical employment of the above force:
13. The Mersa Matruh position must be fortified completely and
with the utmost speed. The sector held by the three Egyptian
battalions must be taken over by three British battalions, making
the force homogeneous. This must be done even if the Egyptian
Government wish to withdraw the artillery now in the hands of
these three battalions. The possibility of reinforcing by sea the
Mersa Matruh position and cutting enemy communications, once
they have passed by on their march to the Delta, must be studied
with the Naval Commander-in-Chief, Mediterranean Fleet.
Alternatively a descent upon the communications at Sollum or
farther west may be preferred.
14. All water supplies between Mersain the north, of reaching Moscow quickly.
The capture of this city means a decisive success politically and
economically, and, beyond that, the elimination of the most
important railway centre.
B. Air Force:
Its task will be to paralyse and to eliminate as far as possible the
intervention of the Russian Air Force, as well as to support the
Army at its main points of effect, particularly those of Army Group
Centre and, on the flank, those of Army Group South. The
Russian railroads, in the order of their importance for the
operations, will be cut or the most important near-by objectives
(river crossings) seized by the bold employment of parachute and
airborne troops.
586
In order to concentrate all forces against the enemy Air Force and
to give immediate support to the Army, the armament industry
will not be attacked during the main operations. Only after the
completion of the mobile operations may such attacks be
considered ? primarily against the Ural region? .
IV. All orders to be issued by the Commanders-in-Chief on the
basis of this directive must clearly indicate that they are
precautionary measures for the possibility that Russia should
change her present attitude towards us. The number of officers
to be assigned to the preparatory work at an early date is to be
kept as small as possible; additional personnel should be briefed
as late as possible, and only to the extent required for the activity
of each individual. Otherwise, through the discovery of chanel body jewelry our
preparations ? the date of their execution has not even been
fixed ? there is danger that most serious political and military
disadvantages may arise.
V. I expect reports from the Commanders-in-chief concerning
their further plans based on this directive.
The contemplated preparations of all branches of the Armed
Forces, including their progress, are to be reported to me through
the High Command [O.K.W. I have little doubt that the President's
speech against dictatorships has been largely influenced by our talk, and I
trust that the ground on the tariff and currency side is also being explored.
Thank you so much for your letter of September 20, and for the generous
things you have written about Nyon, which I much appreciate. I thought
your summing up of the position at Nyon, ?It is only rarely that an
opportunity comes when stern and effective measures can be brought to
Mr. Churchill to Mr. Eden. 20.IX.37.
Mr. Eden to Mr. Churchill. 25.IX.37.
189
bear upon an evil-doer without incurring the risk of war,? effectively
described the position. Mussolini has been unwise enough to overstep the
limits, and he has had to pay the penalty. There is no doubt that the
spectacle of eighty Anglo -French destroyers patrolling the Mediterranean
assisted by a considerable force of aircraft has made a profound impression
on opinion in Europe. From reports which I have received, Germany herself
has not been slow to take note of this fact. It was a great relief, both to
Delbos and me, to be able to assert the position of our respective countries
in this way in the autumn of a year in which we have inevitably had to be so
much on the defensive. There is plenty of trouble ahead, and we are not
yet, of course, anything like as strong in the military sense as I would wish,
but Nyon has enabled us to improve our position and to gain more time.
I also c
We have not expected them to send military aid,...
07:21, 2009-Dec-29
.. Link
We have not
expected them to send military aid, but they have not even sent
any worthy contribution in destroyers or planes, or by a visit of a
squadron of their Fleet to southern Irish ports. Any pressure
which you can apply in this direction would be invaluable.
We are most deeply grateful to you for all your help and for [the
four Canadianconquered locally, it would be natural that events should
follow the above course. But if America continued neutral, and we
were overpowered, I cannot tell what policy might be adopted by
a pro-German administration such as would undoubtedly be set
up.
Although President is our best friend, no practical help has
[reached us
1. As a measure of retaliation it may become necessary to feed large
numbers of floating mines into the Rhine. This can easily be done at any
point between Strasbourg and the Lauter, where the left bank is French
territory. General Gamelin was much interested in this idea, and asked me to
work it out for him.
2. Let us clearly see the object in view. The Rhine is traversed by an
enormous number of very large barges, and is the main artery of German
trade and life. These barges, built only for river work, have riot got double
keels or any large subdivision by bulkheads. It is easy to check these details.
In addition there are at least twelve bridges of boats recently thrown across
the Rhine upon which the German armies concentrated in the Saarbrueck-
381
Luxemburg area depend.
3. The type of mine required is, therefore, a small one, perhaps no bigger
than a football. The current of the river is at most about seven miles an
hour, and three or four at ordinary times, but it is quite easy to verify this.
There must, therefore, be a clockwork apparatus in the mine which makes it
dangerous only after it has gone a certain distance, so as to be clear of
French territory and also so as to spread the terror farther down the Rhine
to its confluence with the Moselle and beyond. The mine should
automatically sink, or preferably explode, by this apparatus before reaching
Dutch territory. After the mine has proceeded the required distance, which
can be varied, it should explode on a light contact. It would be a
convenience if, in addition to the above, the mine could go off if stranded
after a certain amount of time, as it might easily spread alarm on either of
the German banks.
4. It would be necessary in addition that the mine should float a convenient
distance beneath the surface so as to be invisible in the turgid waters. A
hydrostatic valve actuated by a small cylinder of compressed air should be
devised. I have not made the calculations, but I should suppose forty-eight
hours would be the maximum for which it would have to work. An
alternative would be to throw very large numbers of camouflage globes? tin
shells ? into the river, which would spread confusion and exhaust remedial
activities.
5. What can they do against this? Obviously nets would be put across; but
wreckage passing down the river would break these nets, and except at the
frontier, they would be a great inconvenience to the traffic. Anyhow, when
our mine fetchedis not to be
waited for in the case of the Weser operation; overcast, foggy weather is
more satisfactory for the latter. The general state of preparedness of the
naval forces and ships is at present good.
* * * * *
From the beginning of the year, the Soviets had brought their main power to bear on the
Finns. They redoubled their efforts to pierce the Mannerheim Line before the melting of the
snows. Alas, this year the spring and its thaw, on which the hard-pressed Finns based their
hopes, came nearly six weeks late. The great Soviet offensive on the Isthmus, which was
to last forty-two days, opened on February 1, combined with heavy air -bombing of base
depots and railway junctions behind the lines. Ten days of heavy bombardment from Soviet
guns, massed wheel to wheel, heralded the main infantry attack. After a fortnight's
fighting, the line was breached. The air attacks on the key fort and base of Viipuri
increased in intensity. By the end of the month, the Mannerheim defence system had been
disorganised, and the Russians were able to concentrate against the Gulf of Viipuri. The
Finns were short of ammunition and their troops exhausted.
The honourable correctitude which had deprived us of any strategic initiative equally
hampered all effective measures for sending munitions to Finland. We had been able so far
only to send from our own scanty store contributions insignificant to the Finns. In France,
however, a warmer and deeper sentiment prevailed, and this was strongly fostered by M.
Daladier. On March 2, without consulting the British Government, he agreed to send fifty
thousand volunteers and a hundred bombers to Finland. We could certainly not act on this
scale, and in view of the documents found on the German major in Belgium, and of the
ceaseless Intelligence reports of the steady massing of German troops on the Western
432
Front, it went far beyond what prudence would allow. However, it was agreed to send fifty
British bombers. On March 12, the Cabinet again decided to revise the plans for military
landings at Narvik and Trondheim, to be followed at Stavanger and Bergen, as a part of the
extended help to Finland into which we had been drawn by the French. These plans were
to be available for action on March 20, although the need of Norwegian and Swedish
permission had not been met. Meanwhile, on March 7, Mr. Paasikivi had gone again to
Moscow; this time to discuss armistice terms. On the twelfth, the Russian terms we Air
attack on the Fleet at Alexandria is not necessarily less effective
from one hundred and twenty miles distance than from twenty
miles, since aeroplanes often fly at three hundred miles per hour
and have ample endurance. In practice it is usually thought
Prime Minister to First Lord and First Sea Lord.
27.V1II.40.
668
better to hold aerodromes a little back of the actual fighting line.
They do not move forward concurrently with the fronts of armies.
Everyone here understands the grievous consequence of the fall
of Alexandria, and that it would probably entail the Fleet leaving
the Mediterranean. If, however, you have any helpful suggestion
to make for the more effective defence of Mersa Matruh or of any
positions in advance of it, I should be obliged if you would tell
me.
Now that the long nights are approaching, the question of the
blackout must be reviewed. I am in favour of a policy, not of
black-out but of blnckable -out. For this purpose a considerable
system of auxiliary electric street-lighting must be worked out.
The whole of the centre of London, now lighted by incandescent
gas, must be given priority. The best methods in the centres of
other great cities must also be studied and local schemes must be
examined. Thus the lights can be switched down and up and
finally out on an air-raid warning being given. The lights
themselves should not be of a too brilliant character. The
subdued lighting of shop windows must also be studied with a
view to extending the facilities given last Christmas on a
permanent basis. Where factories are allowed to continue
working at night in spite of the black-out, there can be no
objection to extending blackable-out lighting to the surrounding
districts, thus tending to make the target less defined.
Consideration should also be given to decoy lighting and battle
lighting in open spaces at suitable distances from vulnerable
points.
I was much concerned on visiting Mansion Aerodrome yesterday
to find that, although more than four clear days have passed
since it was last raided, the greater part of the craters on the
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for Joint Planning Staff. 28.VIII.40.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air, C.A.S., and General
Ismay.
29.VIII.40.
669
landing ground remained unfilled, and the aerodrome was barely
serviceable. When you remember what the Germans did at the
Stavanger aerodrome and the enormous rapidity with which
craters were filled, I muwith the alterations which
result, where the Army is concerned, from the fact that it has in the
meantime almost completed its dispositions. Allotment of tasks and the
operational targets remain unchanged.
The date of attack? September 1, 1939. Time of attack? 04.45 [inserted in
red pencilgo down during this process should it result adversely,
but in no conceivable circumstances will we consent to surrender.
If members of the present Administration were finished and
others came in to parley amid the ruins, you must not be blind to
the fact that the sole remaining bargaining counter with Germany
would be the Fleet, and, if this country was left by the United
States to its fate, no one would have the right to blame those
then responsible if they made the best terms they could for the
surviving inhabitants. Excuse me, Mr. President, putting this
nightmare bluntly. Evidently I could not answer for my
successors, who in utter despair and helplessness might well
have to accommodate themselves to the German will. However,
there is happily no need at present to dwell upon such ideas.
Once more thanking you for your good will ?
* * * * *
Far-reaching changes were now made by M. Reynaud in the French Cabinet
and High Command. On the 18th Marshal P?tain was appointed Vice -President
of the Council. Reynaud himself, transferring Daladier to Foreign Affairs, took
over the Ministry of National Defence and War. At 7 P.M. on the 19th he
appointed Weygand, who had just arrived from the Levant, to replace General
Gamelin. I had known Weygand when he was the right-hand man of Marshal
Foch, and had admired his masterly intervention in the Battle of Warsaw
against the Bolshevik invasion of Poland in August, 1920 ? an event decisive
62
for Europe at that time. He was now seventy-three, but was reported to be
efficient and vigorous in a very high degree. General Gamelin?s final Order
(No. 12), dated 9.45 A.M. on May 19, prescribed that the Northern Armies,
instead of letting themselves be encircled, must at all costs force their way
southward to the Somme, attacking the Panzer divisions which had cut their
communications. At the same time the Second Army and the newly forming
Sixth were to attack northward towards M?zi?res. These decisions were sound.
Indeed, an order for the general retreat of the Northern Armies southward
was already at least four days overdue. Once the gravity of the breach in the
French centre at Sedan was apparent, the only hope for the Northern Armies
lay in an immediate march to the Somme. Instead, under General Billotte,
they had only made gradual and partial withdrawals to the Scheldt and formed
the defensive flank to the right. Even now there might have been time for the
southward march.
The confusiwas the most humane, when he thought about it, Huo Dou did not resemble any of the four princes.
Qiu Chuji said, ?I?m afraid that a man of his stature coming to create havoc here has an ulterior motive. His kung fu originates from Western Tibet; he arrived in the central plains at the beginning of the year. He wounded the three heroes of Henan, and later on he single-handedly killed the seven Lords of Lanzhou. His name was spread widely throughout the land, we didn?t predict that he would have the nerve to come to our sect and cause trouble. The other Tibetan monk is called Da?erba; he has supernatural strength, and his kung fu is from the same school as Huo Dou. It appears that he is the senior apprentice brother. He is a monk, of course he hasn?t come here to get married; he?s here to aid Huo Dou.
When the rest of the evil men heard the two were coming, they remembered the matter of dueling for marriage. Years ago, in front of a crowd of people, Li Mochou had said the tomb contained mountains of treasures, and had countless kung fu manuscripts and manuals; saying there was the formulae to the ?Eighteen Subduing Dragon Palms?, the ?Solitary Yang Finger? and numerous others. Although the crooks and scoundrels were unsure, they thought that if they went up to the mountain and opened up the tomb, they would be able to get a share of the spoils. About one hundred or so of them came up the mountain. Originally our ?Big Dipper Formation? could have easily repelled them away from the foot of our mountain, not allowing them to come through and teach them not to take one step into Chongyang Palace. We were resisting them when the misunderstanding occurred; there is no need to say anymore.?
Guo Jing felt very guilty and apologetic, and wanted to say a few words of apology. Qiu Chuji waved his hand and laughed, ?Letting a laugh out rids your worries and the moon is still in the sky above the western lake. The halls and buildings are just objects; human possessions mean nothing, so why worry about them? You have honed your martial arts for the last ten years, could it be that you do not understand the meaning of this??
Guo Jing laughed and said, ?Yes!?
Qiu Chuji laughed and said, ?Actually when I saw the back courtyard being burned down to the ground, I was very angry and furious, but after a while I calmed down. Compared to how calm apprentice brother Ma was, I am nowhere as enlightened as he is.?
Guo Jing said, ?You can?t blame yourself for getting angrdid his best to destroy the
General Staff, and was supported by the political parties within
Germany. The Inter-Allied Control had rightly, from its standpoint,
tried for years to make the training in higher staffs so primitive that
there could be no General Staff. They tried in the boldest ways to
discover how General Staff officers were being trained, but we
succeeded in giving nothing away, neither the system nor what was
taught. Seeckt never gave in, for had the General Staff been
destroyed, it would have been difficult to re-create it. Although the
form had to be broken, the content was saved.
In fact, under the pretence of being Departments of Reconstruction, Research, and Culture,
several thousand staff officers in plain clothes and their assistants were held together in
Berlin, thinking deeply about the past and the future.
Rabenau makes an illuminating comment:
Without Seeckt there would today [in 1940
five seconds? ten seconds? twenty seconds. Then came a shattering
explosion, and a great pillar of water rose in the darkness. Prien
waited some minutes to fire another salvo. Tubes ready. Fire. The
torpedoes hit amidships, and there followed a series of crashing
explosions. H.M.S. Royal Oak sank, with the loss of 786 officers and
men, including Rear-Admiral H. E. C. Blagrove [Rear-Admiral Second
Battle Squadron
29.X.40.
Prime Minister to C.I.G.S.
30.X.40.
527
close-up information about the relative merits of the two armies.
I expect to have a good wire every day or so, telling us exactly
what is happening, as far as the Greeks will allow it.
There is no objection to two battalions going to Freetown,
pending their relief by the West African Brigade, after which they
can go on to Egypt. They are not to leave England until it is
agreed that the West African Brigade is to go to West Africa.
Both Crete and Malta come before Freetown in A.A. guns, and I
cannot approve of this diversion at the present time. Neither can
I agree to the diversion of a fighter squadron [for Freetown3 When I
mentioned fifty-seven thousand the other day in the Cabinet, I
was assured that they represented a very small part of what were
actually employed, and that one hundred thousand was nearer
the mark, and that many more were coming in before the end of
the week. Now, instead, we have a figure of only forty thousand.
Pray let me have a full explanation of this.
It is very wrong that fighting troops should be kept from their
training because of the neglect to employ civilian labour.
The question must be brought up at the Cabinet on Monday.
Let me see a list of prominent persons you have arrested.
If we could have large supplies of multiple projectors and rockets
directed by Radar irrespective of cloud or darkness, and also
could have the proximity fuze working effectively by day and to a
lesser extent in moonlight or starlight, the defence against air
attack would become decisive. This combination is therefore the
supreme immediate aim. We are not far from it in every respect,
yet it seems to baffle us. Assemble your ideas and facts so that I
may give extreme priority and impulse to this business.
It seems to me that the blockade is largely ruined, in which case
Prime Minister to General Ismay. (Secret.)
28.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Home Secretary.
28.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Professor Lindemann.
29.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Professor Lindemann.
29.VI.40.
638
the sole decisive weapon in our hands would be overwhelming air
attack upon Germany.
We should gain great relief in the immediate future from not
having to maintain an army in France or sending supplies of beef,
coal, etc., to France. Let me know about this.
How has the question of beef supplies been affected? We are
freed from the obligation to supply the French Army with beef.
There is really no reason why our Army at home should have
rations far exceeding the heavy munitions workers?. The
complications about frozen meat and fresh meat ought also to be
affected by what has happened, although I am not sure which
way.
JULY
If it be true that a few hundred German troops have been landed
on Jersey or Guernsey by troop-carriers, plans should be studied
to land secretly by night on the islands and kill or capture the
invaders. This is exactly one of the exploits for which the
Commandos would be suited. There ought to be no difficulty in
getting all the necessary information from the inhabitants and
from those evacuated. The only possible rein forcements whthither also, and when?
8. Agreeably to the despatch of divisions to the Middle East, the
Home Army and the Home Guard will be developed to fill the gap.
A minimum of twelve mobile divisions must lie in reserve [at
home
Italians [would be ain secret that he ?had not abandoned hopes of
similar arrangements with Germany.? They took this rather coldly.
Meanwhile, our progress in the air is increasingly disappointing.
With regard to the Italian Pact, I agree with what you write. Mussolini gives
us nothing more than the repetition of promises previously made and broken
by him, except for the withdrawal of troops from Libya, troops which were
probably originally sent there for their nuisance value. It has now become
clear that, as I expected, Mussolini continued his intervention in Spain after
the conversations in Rome had opened. He must be an optimist, indeed,
who believes that Mussolini will cease increasing that intervention now,
should it be required to secure Franco's victory.
As a diplomatic instrument the pact embodies a machinery which is likely to
be found very troublesome to work. It is not to come into force until after
the Italians leave Spain. It is almost certain, however, that many months will
elapse before that occurs, and since what is important is not the presence of
Mr. Churchill to Mr. Eden. 18.IV.38.
Mr. Eden to Mr. Churchill. 28.IV.38.
216
Italian infantry, but the assertions of their experts and the Germans, it will
be difficult to establish with certainty that the withdrawal has taken place.
But maybe some do not mind much about that.
Then there is the Italian position in Abyssinia, which, from what I hear, so
far from improving grows steadily worse. I am afraid that the moment we
are choosing for its recognition will not benefit our authority among the
many millions of the King's coloured subjects.
None the less I equally agree as to the need for caution in any attitude
taken up towards the agreement. After all, it is not an agreement yet, and it
would be wrong certainly for me to say anything which could be considered
as making its fruition more difficult. After all, this is precisely what I
promised I would do in my resignation speech and at Leamington.
The most anxious feature of the international situation, as I see it, is that
temporary relaxation of tension may be taken as a pretext for the relaxation
of national effort, which is already inadequate to the gravity of the times.
Hitler was watching the scene with vigilance. To him also the ultimate alignment of Italy in
a European crisis was important. In conference with his Chiefs of Staff at the end of April,
he was considering how to force the pace. Mussolini wanted a free hand weapon can be
provided with ammunition, predictors, and other aids which
realise an accuracy of hitting three or four times as great as that
which now exists, the ground will have taken a long step towards
the re-conquest of the air. The Navy will regain much of its old
freedom of movement and power to take offensive action. And
the Army will be able to land at many points without the risk of
being ?Namsossed.? 1 We must, therefore, regard the whole
sphere of R.D.F. [Radarin the Palatinate.
General Keitel communicates the facts at 1.45. He drives to the
Reichskanzlei at 10 o'clock. I follow at 10.15 to give him the old
draft, ?Prepare Case Otto.? 13.00 hours, General K. [Keitelworks. Moreover, I fear that the troops are
being used in large numbers on fortifications. At the present
stage they should be drilling and training for at least eight hours
a day, including one smart parade every morning. All the labour
necessary should be found from civilian sources. I found it
extremely difficult to see even a single battalion on parade in East
Anglia during my visit. The fighting troops in the Brigade Groups
should neither be used for guarding vulnerable points nor for
making fortifications. Naturally a change like this cannot be made
at once, but let me have your proposals for bringing it about as
soon as possible.
* * * * *
The press and broadcast should be asked to handle air raids in a
cool way and on a diminishing tone of public interest. The facts
should be chronicled without undue prominence or headlines. The
people should be accustomed to treat air raids as a matter of
ordinary routine. Localities affected should not be mentioned with
any precision. Photographs showing shattered houses should not
be published unless there is something very peculiar about them,
or to illustrate how well the Anderson shelters work. It must be
clear that the vast majority of people are not at all affected by
any single air raid, and would hardly sustain any evil impression if
it were not thrust before them. Everyone should learn to take air
raids and air-raid alarms as if they were no more than
thunderstorms. Pray try to impress this upon the newspaper
authorities, and persuade them to help. If there is difficulty in
this, I would myself see the Newspaper Proprietors? Association,
but I hope this will not be necessary. The press should be
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for War. 25.VI.40.
Prime Minister to Minister of Information.
26.VI.40.
172
complimented on their work so far in this matter.
Enclosed [dates of troop convoys from Indiathe visit was kept in a minor key. Effective contact
has not been made. How far apart we are from these people! It is another
world. We were talking about it after dinner to the Duce. ?These men,? said
Mussolini, ?are not made of the same stuff as Francis Drake and the other
magnificent adventurers who created the Empire. They are after all the tired
sons of a long line of rich men.?
The British [noted Cianoat Bathurst. Question of reinforcing Freetown
with troops is being considered. Instructions regarding disposal of
remainder of forces will be given on receipt of your reply.
The commanders made the following reply:
Concur in breaking off.
* * * * *
I much regret we had to abandon Dakar enterprise. Vichy got in
before us and animated defence with partisans and gunnery
experts. All friendly elements were gripped and held down.
Former Naval Person to President Roosevelt.
25.IX.40.
484
Several of our ships were hit, and to persist with landing in force
would have tied us to an undue commitment when you think of
what we have on our hands already.
* * * * *
In the three days? bombardment no British ships were sunk, but the battleship
Resolution was disabled for several months, and two destroyers sustained
damage which required considerable repairs in home dockyards. Two Vichy
submarines were sunk, the crew of one being saved, two destroyers were
burnt out and beached, and the battleship Richelieu was hit by a fifteen-inch
shell and damaged by two near misses of two -hundred-fifty-pound bombs.
There was, of course, no means at Dakar of repairing this formidable vessel,
which had already been rendered temporarily immobile in July, and it could
now be definitely dismissed as a hostile factor from our calculations.
It is interesting to note the changes of r?le of the War Cabinet and of its
commanders in the enterprise. The commanders were at first by no means
enthusiastic, and General Irwin protected himself by a lengthy reasoned
memorandum to the V.C.I.G.S. in which all the difficulties were stressed. After
the expedition had got south of the Canary Islands, the French cruiser
squadron, with its reinforcements of Vichy partisans, carrying with it in
physical as well as moral form the authority of the French Republic, slipped
through the Straits of Gibraltar. I had no doubt from that moment that the
situation had been transformed; and the War Cabinet on my advice,
supported by the Chiefs of the Staff, agreed that we should stop the
enterprise while time remained and no loss had been incurred, and no failure
would be exposed.
Then the commanders on the spot came forward with their strong desire to
take action, and the chanel bag small War Cabinet, quite rightly in my view, felt that the
commanders should be the judges and be given a free hand. Accordingly the
attempt was made, and it was immediately apparent, by the efficient and
vehement resia release from this daily martyrdom.
And I prefer death to witnessing the shame and irreparable
damage of an Italy which has been under Hun domination.
The crime which I am now about to expiate is that of having
witnessed and been disgusted by the cold, cruel, and cynical
preparation for this war by Hitler and the Germans. I was the
only foreigner to see at close quarters this loathsome clique of
bandits preparing to plunge the world into a bloody war. Now, in
accordance with gangster rule, they are planning to suppress a
dangerous witness. But they have miscalculated, for already a
long time ago I put a diary of mine and various documents in a
safe place which will prove, more than I myself could, the crimes
committed by those people with whom later that tragic and vile
puppet Mussolini associated himself through his vanity and
disregard of moral values.
I have made arrangements that as soon as possible after my
death these documents, of the existence of which Sir Percy
Loraine was aware at the time of his Mission in Rome, should be
put at the disposal of the Allied Press.
134
Perhaps what I am offering you today is but little, but that and
my life are all I can offer to the cause of liberty and justice, in the
triumph of which I fanatically believe.
This testimony of mine should be brought to light so that the
world may know, may hate and may remember, and that those
who will have to judge the future should not be ignorant of the
fact that the misfortune of Italy was not the fault of her people
but due to the shameful behaviour of one man.
Yours sincerely
G. CLANO
* * * * *
A speech from President Roosevelt had been announced for the night of the
10th. About midnight I listened to it with a group of officers in the Admiralty
War Room, where I still worked. When he uttered the scathing words about
Italy, ?On this tenth day of June, 1940, the hand that held the dagger has
struck it into the back of its neighbor,? there was a deep growl of satisfaction.
I wondered about the Italian vote in the approaching presidential election; but
I knew that Roosevelt was a most experienced American party politician,
although never afraid to run risks for the sake of his resolves. It was a
magnificent speech, instinct with passion and carrying to us a message of
hope. While the impression was strong upon me, and before going to bed, I
expressed my gratitude.
We all listened to you last night and were fortified by the grand
scope These ships will be used to
defend the possessions and territories of France. Unless we are
attacked by the British, they will never be used against England.
Even if I wanted to, I cannot sell those ships. It is impossible
under the terms of the armistice, and even if it were possible it
would never be permitted by the Germans. France is under
Germany?s heel and impotent. I would gladly sell them, if I were
free, on condition that they be returned to us after the war, and
save them for France in this way. I must repeat I have neither
the right nor the possibility of selling them under present
circumstances.
Marshal P?tain had made this statement with great seriousness, but with no
sign of either surprise or resentment at the suggestion. President Roosevelt
had further instructed the Charg? d?Affaires to inform Marshal P?tain that the
American offer remained open both about these vessels as well as about any
others in the French Navy.
On November 23, the President sent me further reassurances. Marshal P?tain
had stated categorically that he would keep the vessels now at Dakar and
Casablanca where they were, and that if there was any change in this plan he
would give the President previous notice.
* * * * *
The attitude of Spain was of even more consequence to us than that of Vichy,
with which it was so closely linked. Spain had much to give and even more to
take away. We had been neutral in the sanguinary Spanish Civil War. General
Franco owed little or nothing to us, but much ? perhaps life itself ? to the Axis
Powers. Hitler and Mussolini had come to his aid. He disliked and feared
Hitler. He liked and did not fear Mussolini. At the beginning of the World War,
Spain had declared, and since then strictly observed, neutrality. A fertile and
needful trade flowed between our two countries, and the iron ore from
512
Biscayan ports was important for our munitions. But now in May the ?Twilight
War? was over. The might of Nazi Germany was proved. The French front was
broken. The Allied armies of the North were in peril. It was at this moment
that I had gladly offered to a former colleague, displaced by the Ministerial
changes, a new sphere of responsibility, for which his gifts and temperament
were suited. On May 17 Sir Samuel Hoare had been appointed Ambassador to
Spain, and certainly I believe that no one could have carried out better this
wearing, delicate, and cardinal five years? mission. Thus we were very well
represen It can hardly be
argued that we can go on paying them till our last gasp. Surely
we ought to use this money to build more ships or buy more from
the United States in view of the heavy sinkings off the Bloody
Foreland.
Pray let me know how these subsidies could be terminated, and
what retaliatory measures could be taken in the financial sphere
by the Irish, observing that we are not afraid of their cutting off
our food, as it would save us the enormous mass of fertilisers and
feeding-stuffs we have to carry into Ireland through the De
Valera-aided German blockade. Do not assemble all the pros and
cons for the moment, but show what we could do financially and
what would happen. I should be glad to know about this
tomorrow.
I gave you and each of the C.O.S. a copy of the Irish paper. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer?s comments are also favourable, and
there is no doubt subsidies can be withdrawn at very short
notice.
We must now consider the military reaction. Suppose they invited
the Germans into their ports, they would divide their people, and
we should endeavour to stop the Germans. They would seek to
be neutral and would bring the war upon themselves. If they
withdrew the various cable and watching facilities they have,
what would this amount to, observing that we could suspend all
connections between England and Southern Ireland? Suppose
they let German U-boats come in to refresh in west coast ports of
Ireland, would this be serious, observing that U-boats have a
radius of nearly thirty days, and that the limiting factor is desire
of crews to get home and need of refit, rather than need of
refuelling and provisioning? Pray let me have your observations
on these and other points which may occur to you.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 3.XII.40.
600
I thought it well to try to bring the President along in this policy.
North Atlantic transport remains the prime anxiety. Undoubtedly,
Hitler will augment his U-boat and air attack on shipping and
operate ever farther into the ocean. Now that we are denied the
use of Irish ports and airfields, our difficulties strain our flotillas to
the utmost limit. We have so far only been able to bring a very
few of your fifty destroyers into action on account of the many
defects which they naturally develop when exposed to Atlantic
weather after having been laid up so long. I am arranging to
have a very full technical account prepared of renovations and
impro 21.X.40.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to Minister of Information and Sir Alexander Cadogan.
24.X.40.
696
T.U.C. are paying all his expenses in connection with the purely
Labour side of the business, but I think that any expenses he
may incur in work useful in the national interest should be
defrayed by the Ministry of Information. Perhaps the Minister
would look into this and see what can be done. In any case, Sir
Walter should be treated with the greatest consideration, as I am
sure we can count on his entire loyalty and discretion.
NOVEMBER
How is it that when we have five hundred and twenty crews
available for bombing operations, and only five hundred and
seven aircraft similarly available, we do not draw on the aircraft
storage units, where a large number are awaiting use?
Let me have, on not more than two sheets of paper, an analysis
of the German aviators taken prisoner of war since July 1,
showing numbers, ages, amount of training, etc., distinguishing
between bomber and fighter prisoners. Any other information
about them would be welcome.
Although 1 feel sceptical about the pocket battleship going to
Lorient, the Air Force should be thinking of attacking him there at
the earliest moment and should be warned now. If he goes to
Lorient, he runs a chance of being caught by you on the way in,
bombed while he is there, and caught again on the way out.
There is only one way in and out of Lorient. Very different is his
position at Kiel, where he can come out via the Heligoland Bight
or through the Skagerrak or sneak up the Norwegian Corridor to
Prime Minister to C.A.S.
1.XI.40.
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air.
1.XI.40.
Prime Minister to First Sea Lord.
6.XI.40.
697
Trondhjem. f would much rather see him go to Lorient than break
south or stay out on the Atlantic route or go back one side or the
other of Iceland.
If he continues preying on the trade, you ought to be able to
bring him to action.
On further reflection I agree it is better our two heavy ships
should stay in the north.
These notes are only for your consideration.
You impressed upon me how important it was to have a first-rate
man in charge of the Home Guard, and what a compliment to
them it would be if the former Chief of the Staff in France was
chosen; so General Pownall was appointed. But a few weeks later
I was astonished to learn he was to go to America on the mission
now discharged by General Pakenham-Walsh. With some
dias the middle of April, the Soviet Government entered
into negotiations with the British and French Governments about the
necessary measures to be taken. The negotiations started then are not yet
concluded. It became clear some time ago that if there was any real desire
to create an efficient front of peaceable countries against the advance of
aggression, the following minimum conditions were imperative:
The conclusion between Great Britain, France, and the U.S.S.R. of an
effective pact of mutual assistance against aggression, of an exclusively
defensive character.
A guarantee on the part of Great Britain, France, and the U.S.S.R. of the
states of Central and Eastern Europe, including without exception all the
European countries bordering on the U.S.S.R., against an attack by
aggressors.
The conclusion between Great Britain, France, and the U.S.S.R. of a definite
agreement on the forms and extent of the immediate and effective
assistance to be rendered to one another and to the guaranteed states in
the event of an attack by aggressors.
The negotiations had come to a seemingly unbreakable deadlock. The Polish and Rumanian
Governments, while accepting the British guarantee, were not prepared to accept a similar
undertaking in the same form from the Russian Government. A similar attitude prevailed in
another vital strategic quarter? the Baltic States. The Soviet Government made it clear that
they would only adhere to a pact of mutual assistance if Finland and the Baltic States were
included in a general guarantee. All four countries now refused, and perhaps in their terror
would for a long time have refused, such a condition. Finland and Esthonia even asserted
that they would consider a guarantee extended to them without their assent as an act of
aggression. On the same day, May 31, Esthonia and Latvia signed non-aggression pacts
with Germany. Thus Hitler penetrated with ease into the frail defences of the tardy,
irresolute coalition against him.
288
The Threat to Danzig ? General Gamelin Invites Me to Visit the Rhine Front ? A Tour with
General Georges ? Some Impressions ? French Acceptance of the Defensive ? The
Position of Atomic Research ? My Note on Air Defence ? Renewed Efforts to Agree with
Soviet Russia ? Polish Obstruction ? The Military Conversations in Moscow ? Stalin's
Account to Me in 1942 ? A Record in Deceit ? Ribbentrop Invited to Moscow ? The
Russo-German Non-Aggression Treaty ? The News Breaks upon the Worlwas violent and brave, the second son Cha He Tai [Chagataibetween
the position now, and at the end of the year 1914. The transition from peace
to war has been accomplished. The outer seas, for the moment at any rate,
arc clear from enemy surface craft. The lines in France are static. But in
addition on the sea we have repelled the first U-boat attack, which
previously did not begin till February, 1915, and we can see our way through
the magnetic-mine novelty. Moreover, in France the lines run along the
frontiers instead of six or seven of the French provinces and Belgium being
in the enemy's hands. Thus I feel we may compare the position now very
favourably with that of 1914. And also I have the feeling (which may be
corrected at any moment) that the Kaiser's Germany was a much tougher
customer than Nazi Germany.
This is the best I can do for a Christmas card in these hard times.
I was by now increasingly convinced that there could be no ?Operation Catherine? in 1940.
The sending of a superior surface fleet into the Baltic [I wrote to
10
A Dark New Year
414
Pound, January 6 If you keep on talking this rubbish, saying I?m your wife and what not, just watch me cut your head off.? She raised her saber as she said this.
Yang Guo held his head and jumped to the side and pleaded, ?Miss, I won?t say it anymore.?
The girl said, ?Look at you, even an ugly old hag wouldn?t marry you.? Yang Guo laughed foolishly and didn?t reply.
Now, the sky was dark, the two stood in the unkempt land; they turned around, and saw smoke from cooking rising up from the town and both felt hungry.
The young girl said, ?Sha Dan, go to the market and buy ten buns.?
Yang Guo shook his head and said, ?I won?t go.? The young girl?s face turned angry and she said, ?Why not?? Yang Guo said, ?I won?t go! You are tricking me to go buy some buns so you could sneak off.? The young girl said, ?I said I won?t slip away so I won?t.? Yang Guo shook his head. The girl curled up her fist wanting to hit him but he quickly jumped to the side. The two of them ran around the bull like they were playing hide and seek. The girl was lame and it wasn?t easy for her to move. She saw the boy tripping up in front of her crying and shouting out, yet, although she possessed lightness kung fu, she was still unable to catch up with him.
The girl was furious, she thought about her martial arts, yet for some reason, she had allowed an ugly and smelly country bumpkin Sha Dan to stay on her tail. She had no way to escape, it might be said that she was incompetent. Yang Guo had made himself so much like the character he was supposed to be that when the girl failed three or four times to kill the Sha Dan, she was not suspicious. She followed the main road south and she saw that Yang Guo was holding onto the bull and catching up. She thought that she must find a way to kill him unexpectedly. In the short time it takes to cook rice, the sky had become even darker. She saw an old and run down stone house; it looked abandoned and thought, ?Tonight I?ll sleep here and when that idiot is sleeping in the middle of the night, I?ll kill him with one slash.? She walked towards the house and entered, dust entered her nose, the chairs and tables were broken and it appeared that this house was deserted long ago. She cut some grass and wiped a long table clean; she lay on the table, closed her eyes and rested. She saw that Yang Guo hadn?t followed her, and called out, ?Sha Dan! Sha Dan!? She didn?t hear a reply and thought, ?Could it be that the fool knows that I was going to kill him and left!ships? as they
were called, in hand for an emergency dash through the Mediterranean.
In all the circumstances it would be impossible to withdraw the
New Zealand Brigade from their forward position on the Dover
promontory. The two cruiser-tank battalions cannot go. Would it
not be better to keep the Australians back and delay the whole
convoy until the third week in October? After all, none of these
forces going round the Cape can possibly arrive in time to
influence the impending battle in Egypt. But they may play a big
part here. Perhaps by the third week in October the Admiralty will
be prepared to run greater risks. Anyhow, we cannot afford to
make sure that the New Zealanders and the tank battalions are
out of action throughout October in either theatre.
Be careful that the Glen ships are not got out of the way so that
it will be impossible to take the armoured reinforcements through
the Mediterranean if the need is sufficient to justify the risk. I
don?t want to be told there are no suitable vessels available.
Let me know what other ships would be available if we should
decide to run a convoy from west to east through the
Mediterranean about the third week in October.
Although it was a fine September, I was frightened of fog.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for the Chiefs of Staff Committee. 17.IX.40
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
19.IX.40.
455
Pray send a copy of this report by First Sea Lord [about invasion
in fogcruisers; having regard to the vast ocean spaces to be
controlled, the principle was ?the more the better.? In the search for enemy
raiders or cruisers, even small cruisers could play their part, and in the case
of the Emden we were forced to gather over twenty ships before she was
rounded up. However, a long view of cruiser policy would seem to suggest
that a new unit of search is required. Whereas a cruiser squadron of four
ships could search on a front of, say eighty miles, a single cruiser
accompanied by an aircraft carrier could cover at least three hundred miles,
or if the movement of the ship is taken into account, four hundred miles. On
the other hand, we must apprehend that the raiders of the future will be
powerful vessels, eager to fight a single-ship action if a chance is presented.
The mere multiplication of small, weak cruisers is no means of ridding the
seas of powerful raiders. Indeed they are only an easy prey. The raider,
cornered at length, will overwhelm one weak vessel and escape from the
cordon.
Every unit of search must be able to find, to catch, and to kill. For this
purpose we require a number of cruisers superior to the 10,000-ton type, or
else pairs of our own 10,000 -ton type. These must be accompanied by small
aircraft carriers carrying perhaps a dozen or two dozen machines, and of the
smallest possible displacement. The ideal unit of search would be one killer
or two three-quarter killers, plus one aircraft carrier, plus four ocean-going
destroyers, plus two or three specially constructed tankers of good speed.
Such a formation cruising would be protected against submarines, and could
search an enormous area and destroy any single raider when detected.
The policy of forming hunting groups as discussed in this minute, comprising balanced
forces capable of scouring wide areas and overwhelming any raider within the field of
search, was developed so far as our limited resources allowed, and I shall refer to this
subject again in a later chapter. The same idea was afterwards more fully expanded by the
United States in their task force system, which made an important contribution to the art of
sea warfare.
* * * * *
Towards the end of the month I thought it would be well for me to give the House some
coherent story of what was happening and why.
First Lord to Prime Minister. 24.IX.39.
327
Would it not be well for me to make a statement to the House on the anti -
submarine warfare and general naval Some further reinforcement will be required for Narvik, which
must be studied at once. The Canadians should be considered.
9. At the same time, the sweep of the Skagerrak will now become possible
to clear away the enemy anti -submarine craft and aid our submarines.
The next day I explained to the War Cabinet the circumstances in which it had been
decided to call off the direct assault on Trondheim, and stated that the new plan which the
Prime Minister had approved was, broadly, to send the whole of the 1st Light Division of
Chasseurs Alpins to General Carton de Wiart for his attack on the Trondheim area from the
north and to send the regular brigades from France to reinforce Brigadier Morgan, who had
landed at Andalsnes and had pushed on troops to hold Dombas. Another Territorial brigade
would be put in on the southern line. It might be possible to push part of this southern
473
force right forward to reinforce the Norwegians on the Oslo front. We had been fortunate in
getting all our troops ashore, without loss so far (except of the ship carrying all Brigadier
Morgan's vehicles), and the present plans provided for the disembarkation of some twentyfive
thousand men by the end of the first week in May. The French had offered two further
light divisions. The chief limiting factor was the provision of the necessary bases and lines
of communication on which the forces were to be maintained. The bases would be liable to
heavy air attack.
The Secretary of State for War then said that the new plan was little less hazardous than
the direct attack on Trondheim. Until we had secured the Trondheim aerodrome, little could
be done to offset the heavy scale of enemy air attack. Nor was it altogether correct to
describe the new plan as a ?pincer movement? against Trondheim, since while the northern
force would bring pressure to bear in the near future, the first task of the southern force
must be to secure themselves against a German attack from the south. It might well be a
month before any serious move could be made against Trondheim from this direction. This
was a sound criticism. General Ironside, however, strongly supported the new movement,
expressing the hope that General Carton de Wiart, who when reinforced by the French
would have, he said, quite a large force at his disposal, a large part of which would be
highly mobile, might get astride of the railway from Trondheim to Sweden. The troops
already at Dombas had no guns or transposaid they picked up
no fewer than eighty German machines brought down over the
land alone. This gives us a very good line for our own purposes. I
must say I am a little impatient about the American scepticism.
The event is what will decide all.
* * * * *
On August 20 I could report to Parliament:
The enemy is of course far more numerous than we are. But our
new production already largely exceeds his, and the American
production is only just beginning to flow in. Our bomber and
fighter strengths now, after all this fighting, are larger than they
have ever been. We believe that we should be able to continue
the air struggle indefinitely and as long as the enemy pleases,
and the longer it continues, the more rapid will be our approach
first towards that parity, and then into that superiority, in the air,
Prime Minister to Secretary of State for Air. 21.VIII.40.
321
upon which in large measure the decision of the war depends.
Up till the end of August, Goering did not take an unfavourable view of the air
conflict. He and his circle believed that the English ground organisation and
aircraft industry and the fighting strength of the R.A.F. had already been
severely damaged. They estimated that since August 8 we had lost 1115
aircraft against the German losses of 467. But of course each side takes a
hopeful view, and it is in the interest of their leaders that they should. There
was a spell of fine weather in September, and the Luftwaffe hoped for
decisive results. Heavy attacks fell upon our aerodrome installations round
London, and on the night of the 6th, sixty-eight aircraft attacked London,
followed on the 7th by the first large-scale attack of about three hundred. On
this and succeeding days, during which our anti-aircraft guns were doubled in
numbers, very hard and continuous air fighting took place over the capital,
and the Luftwaffe were still confident through their overestimation of our
losses. But we now know that the German Naval Staff, in anxious regard for
their own interests and responsibilities, wrote in their diary on September 10:
There is no sign of the defeat of the enemy?s air force over
Southern England and in the Channel area, and this is vital to a
further judgment of the situation. The preliminary attacks by the
Luftwaffe have indeed achieved a noticeable weakening of the
enemy?s fighter defence, so that considerable German fighter
superiority can be assumed over the English area. However ? we
have 4 have been a great disappointment
so far this war. The question of their alternative uses ought to be
considered by the Admiralty. I expect they have a large number
of skilled ratings on board. Could I have a list of these ships, their
tonnage, speeds, etc. Could they not carry troops or stores while
plying on their routes?
* * * * *
My indignation at the denial of the Southern Irish ports mounted under these
pressures.
* * * * *
Prime Minister to Minister of Transport.
27.XII.40.
Prime Minister to First Lord.
29.XII.40.
Prime Minister to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
1.XII.40.
599
The straits to which we are being reduced by Irish action compel
a reconsideration of these subsidies [to Ireland
under cover of the guns of the Fleet [should behas sunk, the luxury watches rolex Glorious is sinking,
the least we can do is make a show, good luck to you all. ? We then
altered course into our own smoke-screen. I had the order stand by
to fire tubes 6 and 7, we then came out of the smokescreen, altered
course to starboard firing our torpedoes from port side. It was then I
had my first glimpse of the enemy, to be honest it appeared to me
to be a large one [shipfield artillery to cut wire.
And further, paragraph 27:
There is always the danger of the enemy getting wind of our
intentions and reinforcing his garrisons with good troops
beforehand, at any rate so far as Borkum, about which he must
243
always be very sensitive, is concerned. On the other hand, the
landing could be effected under the shields of lighters, proof
against machine-gun bullets, and too numerous to be seriously
affected by heavy gunfire [i.e., the fire of heavy guns
It is of no use giving me these reports five days late. The
Admiralty know every day exactly the state of the flotillas. I do
not know why this matter should go through the War Cabinet or
Defence Ministry. Pray tell the Admiralty to send direct to me,
every week, the state o? their flotillas.
I am much concerned that the patrols on the western approaches
should only have gone up to thirty effective. Let me see the chart
showing previous weeks tomorrow.
I shall be obliged if you will let me know the present
unemployment figures, divided into as many categories as is
convenient, and compared with (a) how they stood at the
outbreak of war, and (b) when the new Government was formed.
It is to me incomprehensible that with the 50 American
destroyers coming into service we should not have been able to
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
28.XI.40.
Prime Minister to Minister of Labour.
28.XI.40.
Prime Minister to First Sea Lord.
30.XI.40.
711
raise the total serviceable to above 77 by November 23, when
they stood at 106 on October 16. What happened between
October 16 and October 26 to beat down serviceable destroyers
by 28 vessels, and why did they go down from 84 to 77 between
November 16 and November 23? ? just at the very time when
another dozen Americans were coming into service.
I have authorised the ringing of church bells on Christmas Day,
as the imminence of invasion has greatly receded. Perhaps,
however, you will let me know what alternative methods of giving
the alarm you would propose to use on that day, and, secondly,
what steps would be taken to ensure that the ringing of the bells
for church services and without any invasion does not in fact lead
to an alarm. There must certainly be no relaxation of vigilance.
DECEMBER
All this talk about Atlantic operations and Atlantic islands is most
dangerous, and is contrary to the decision to describe such
operations as ?Shrapnel.? I see no need for these long and
pointless telegrams, and it is becoming quite impossible to
conduct military operations when everything has to be spread
about the Departments and around the world like this.
Kindly give me the assurance that there will be no further
discussion of these matters by telegram without my seeing the
messages before they are multiplied.
Let me also know exactly the lists of officials and departments to
whom these telegrams have been distributed.
Prime Minister to C.-in-C. Home Forces.
30.XI.40.
Prime Minister toDominions, for
whom we are trustees. I have nevertheless always had in mind
your point and have raised it in various telegrams to President as
well as to Mackenzie King. If Great Britain broke under invasion, a
pro-German Government might obtain far easier terms from
Germany by surrendering the Fleet, thus making Germany and
Japan masters of the New World. This dastard deed would not be
done by His Majesty?s present advisers, but if some Quisling
Government were set up, it is exactly what they would do, and
perhaps the only thing they could do, and the President should
bear this very clearly in mind. You should talk to him in this sense
and thus discourage any complacent assumption on United
States? part that they will pick up the debris of the British Empire
by their present policy. On the contrary, they run the terrible risk
that their sea-power will be completely overmatched. Moreover,
islands and naval bases to hold the United States in awe would
certainly be claimed by the Nazis. If we go down, Hitler has a
very good chance of conquering the world.
I hope the foregoing will be a help to you in your conversations.
Nearly a month passed before any result emerged. Then came an encouraging
telegram from the Ambassador. He said (July 5/6) that informed American
opinion was at last beginning to realise that they were in danger of losing the
British Fleet altogether if the war went against us and if they remained
Prime Minister to Lord Lothian.
9.VI.40.
390
neutral. It would, however, be extremely difficult to get American public
opinion to consider letting us have American destroyers unless it could be
assured that in the event of the United States entering the war the British
Fleet or such of it as was afloat would cross the Atlantic if Great Britain were
overrun.
At the end of July, under the increasing pressure from so many angles at
once, I took the matter up again.
It is some time since I ventured to cable personally to you, and
many things, both good and bad, have happened in between. It
has now become most urgent for you to let us have the
destroyers, motor-boats, and flying-boats for which we have
asked. The Germans have the whole French coastline from which
to launch U -boats and dive-bomber attacks upon our trade and
food, and in addition we must be constantly prepared to repel by
sea-action threatened invasion in the Narrow Waters, and also to
deal with break-outs from Norway towards Ireland, Iceland,
Shethere is such a thing as national defence. We think that you have to go forward
to disarmament and not to the piling-up of armaments.? Neither side usually has much to
be proud of at election times. The Prime Minister himself was no doubt conscious of the
138
growing strength behind the Government's foreign policy. He was, however, determined
not to be drawn into war on any account. It seemed to me, viewing the proceedings from
outside, that he was anxious to gather as much support as possible and use it to begin
British rearmament on a modest scale.
* * * * *
The Conservative Party Conference was held at Bourne-mouth on the very day when
Mussolini began his attack on Abyssinia and his bombs were falling on Adowa. In view of
this, and not less of the now imminent general election, we all closed our ranks as party
men.
I supported a resolution which was carried unanimously:
(1) To repair the serious deficiencies in the defence forces of the Crown,
and, in particular, first, to organise our industry for speedy conversion to
defence purposes, if need be.
(2) To make a renewed effort to establish equality in the air with the
strongest foreign air force within striking distance of our shores.
(3) To rebuild the British Fleet and strengthen the Royal Navy, so as to
safeguard our food and livelihood and preserve the coherence of the British
Empire.
Hitherto in these years I had not desired office, having had so much of it, and being
opposed to the Government on their Indian policy. But with the passage of the India Bill,
which was to take some years to come into force, this barrier had fallen away. The growing
German menace made me anxious to lay my hands upon our military machine. I could now
feel very keenly what was coming. Distracted France and timid, peace-loving Britain would
soon be confronted with the challenge of the European Dictators. I was in sympathy with
the changing temper of the Labour Party. Here was the chance of a true National
Government. It was understood that the Admiralty would be vacant, and I wished very
much to go there should the Conservatives be returned to power. I was, of course, well
aware that this desire was not shared by several of Mr. Baldwin's principal colleagues. I
represented a policy, and it was known that I should strive for it whether from without or
from within. If they could do without me, they would certainly be very glad. To some
extent this depended upon their majority.
* * * * *
to the Chiefs of the Staff for C.-in-C. Home Forces,
adding: ?I consider that fog is the gravest danger, as it throws
both air forces out of action, baffles our artillery, prevents
organised naval attack, and specially favours the infiltration
tactics by which the enemy will most probably seek to secure his
lodgments. Should conditions of fog prevail, the strongest
possible air barrage must be put down upon the invasion ports
during the night and early morning. I should be glad to be
advised of the proposed naval action by our flotillas, both in
darkness and at dawn: (a) if the fog lies more on the English
than the French side of the Channel; (b) if it is uniform on both
sides.
?Are we proposing to use radio aids to navigation?
?Prolonged conditions of stand -by under frequent air
bombardment will be exhausting to the enemy. Nonetheless, fog
is our foe.?
In spite of all the danger it was important not to wear the men out.
Inquire from the C.O.S. Committee whether in view of the rough
weather Alert Number 1 might not be discreetly relaxed to the
next grade.
Report to me.
Prime Minister to Colonel Jacob. 16.IX.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
18.IX.40.
Prime Minister to General Ismay.
18.IX.40.
456
Make inquiries whether there is no way in which a sheet of
flaming oil can be spread over one or more of the invasion
harbours. This is no more than the old fire-ship story, with
modern improvements, that was tried at Dunkirk in the days of
the Armada. The Admiralty can surely think of something.
The De Wilde ammunition is of extreme importance. At Number
11 Group the bombing of its factory was evidently considered a
great blow. I can quite understand the output dropping to 38,000
rounds in the week while you are moving from Woolwich and
getting reinstated, but I trust it will revive again. Pray let me
know your future forecast for the next four weeks. If there is
revival in prospect, we might perhaps draw a little upon our
reserve.
I must show you the comments made upon the latest returns of
small-arms ammunition by my Statistical Department. They cause
me the greatest anxiety. In particular the De Wilde ammunition,
which is the most valuable, is the most smitten. It seems to me
that a most tremendous effort must be made, not only on the
whole field of Marks 7 and 8, but on De Wilde and armourpiercing.
I am well aware of your difficulties. Will you let me
know if there is any way in which I can help you to overco which will be
secured by the placing [in itthis morning that you had instructed
General Gort to continue to carry out the Weygand plan. General
Weygand now informs me that, according to a telegram from
General Blanchard, the British Army had carried out, on its own
initiative, a retreat of twenty-five miles towards the ports at a
time when our troops moving up from the south are gaining
ground towards the north, where they were to meet their allies.
This action of the British Army is in direct opposition to the formal
orders renewed this morning by General Weygand. This retreat
has naturally obliged General Weygand to change all his
75
arrangements, and he is compelled to give up the idea of closing
the gap and restoring a continuous front. I need not lay any
stress upon the gravity of the possible consequences.
Up to this time General Weygand had been counting on General Fr?re?s army
advancing northward on Amiens, Albert, and P?ronne. They had, in fact, made
no noticeable progress, and were still forming and assembling. The following
are my replies to M. Reynaud:
25.V.40.
My telegram last night told you all we knew over here, and we
have still heard nothing from Lord Gort to contradict it. But I
must tell you that a staff officer has reported to the War Office
confirming the withdrawal of the two divisions from the Arras
region, which your telegram to me mentioned. General Dill, who
should be with Lord Gort, has been told to send a staff officer by
air at the earliest moment. As soon as we know what has
happened, I will report fully. It is clear, however, that the
Northern Army is practically surrounded and that all its
communications are cut except through Dunkirk and Ostend.
25.V.40.
We have every reason to believe that Gort is still persevering in
southward move. All we know is that he has been forced by the
pressure on his western flank, and to keep communication with
Dunkirk for indispensable supplies, to place parts of two divisions
between himself and the increasing pressure of the German
armoured forces, which in apparently irresistible strength have
successively captured Abb?ville and Boulogne, are menacing
Calais and Dunkirk, and have taken St. Omer. How can he move
southward a
Beware lest these fortification people and other...
06:00, 1969-Dec-31
.. Link
Beware lest these fortification
people and other departmentals do not consume our strength upon longscale
developments which cannot mature till after the climax which settles
our fate.
I see the departments full of loose fat, following on undue starvation. It
would be much better from your point of view to come along with your
alguazils as critics upon wasteful exhibitions, rather than delaying action.
Don't hamper departments acting in a time of crisis; give them the
responsibility; but call them swiftly to account for any failure in thrift.
I hope you will not mind me writing to you upon this subject, because I feel
just as strongly about the husbanding of the money power as I do about the
war effort, of which it is indeed an integral part. In all these matters you can
count on my support, and also, as the head of a spending department, upon
my submission to searching superintendence.
* * * * *
In every war in which the Royal Navy has claimed the command of the seas, it has had to
pay the price of exposing immense targets to the enemy. The privateer, the raiding cruiser,
and above all the U-boat, have in all the varying forms of war exacted a heavy toll upon the
life-lines of our commerce and food-supply. A prime function of defence has, therefore,
always been imposed upon us. From this fact the danger arises of our being driven or
subsiding into a defensive naval strategy and habit of mind. Modern developments have
aggravated this tendency. In the two Great Wars, during parts of which I was responsible
for the control of the Admiralty, I have always sought to rupture this defensive obsession
by searching for forms of counter-offensive. To make the enemy wonder where he is going
to be hit next may bring immeasurable relief to the process of shepherding hundreds of
convoys and thousands of merchantmen safely into port. In the First World War I hoped to
find in the Dardanelles, and later in an attack upon Borkum and other Frisian islands, the
means of regaining the initiative, and forcing the weaker naval power to study his own
problems rather than ours. Called to the Admiralty again in 1939, and as soon as
immediate needs were dealt with and perils warded off, I could not rest content with the
policy of ?convoy and blockade.? I sought earnestly for a way of attacking Germany by
naval means.
First and foremost gleamed the Baltic. The command of the Baltic by a British Fleet carried
with it possi If you keep on talking this rubbish, saying I?m your wife and what not, just watch me cut your head off.? She raised her saber as she said this.
Yang Guo held his head and jumped to the side and pleaded, ?Miss, I won?t say it anymore.?
The girl said, ?Look at you, even an ugly old hag wouldn?t marry you.? Yang Guo laughed foolishly and didn?t reply.
Now, the sky was dark, the two stood in the unkempt land; they turned around, and saw smoke from cooking rising up from the town and both felt hungry.
The young girl said, ?Sha Dan, go to the market and buy ten buns.?
Yang Guo shook his head and said, ?I won?t go.? The young girl?s face turned angry and she said, ?Why not?? Yang Guo said, ?I won?t go! You are tricking me to go buy some buns so you could sneak off.? The young girl said, ?I said I won?t slip away so I won?t.? Yang Guo shook his head. The girl curled up her fist wanting to hit him but he quickly jumped to the side. The two of them ran around the bull like they were playing hide and seek. The girl was lame and it wasn?t easy for her to move. She saw the boy tripping up in front of her crying and shouting out, yet, although she possessed lightness kung fu, she was still unable to catch up with him.
The girl was furious, she thought about her martial arts, yet for some reason, she had allowed an ugly and smelly country bumpkin Sha Dan to stay on her tail. She had no way to escape, it might be said that she was incompetent. Yang Guo had made himself so much like the character he was supposed to be that when the girl failed three or four times to kill the Sha Dan, she was not suspicious. She followed the main road south and she saw that Yang Guo was holding onto the bull and catching up. She thought that she must find a way to kill him unexpectedly. In the short time it takes to cook rice, the sky had become even darker. She saw an old and run down stone house; it looked abandoned and thought, ?Tonight I?ll sleep here and when that idiot is sleeping in the middle of the night, I?ll kill him with one slash.? She walked towards the house and entered, dust entered her nose, the chairs and tables were broken and it appeared that this house was deserted long ago. She cut some grass and wiped a long table clean; she lay on the table, closed her eyes and rested. She saw that Yang Guo hadn?t followed her, and called out, ?Sha Dan! Sha Dan!? She didn?t hear a reply and thought, ?Could it be that the fool knows that I was going to kill him and left!there is such a thing as national defence. We think that you have to go forward
to disarmament and not to the piling-up of armaments.? Neither side usually has much to
be proud of at election times. The Prime Minister himself was no doubt conscious of the
138
growing strength behind the Government's foreign policy. He was, however, determined
not to be drawn into war on any account. It seemed to me, viewing the proceedings from
outside, that he was anxious to gather as much support as possible and use it to begin
British rearmament on a modest scale.
* * * * *
The Conservative Party Conference was held at Bourne-mouth on the very day when
Mussolini began his attack on Abyssinia and his bombs were falling on Adowa. In view of
this, and not less of the now imminent general election, we all closed our ranks as party
men.
I supported a resolution which was carried unanimously:
(1) To repair the serious deficiencies in the defence forces of the Crown,
and, in particular, first, to organise our industry for speedy conversion to
defence purposes, if need be.
(2) To make a renewed effort to establish equality in the air with the
strongest foreign air force within striking distance of our shores.
(3) To rebuild the British Fleet and strengthen the Royal Navy, so as to
safeguard our food and livelihood and preserve the coherence of the British
Empire.
Hitherto in these years I had not desired office, having had so much of it, and being
opposed to the Government on their Indian policy. But with the passage of the India Bill,
which was to take some years to come into force, this barrier had fallen away. The growing
German menace made me anxious to lay my hands upon our military machine. I could now
feel very keenly what was coming. Distracted France and timid, peace-loving Britain would
soon be confronted with the challenge of the European Dictators. I was in sympathy with
the changing temper of the Labour Party. Here was the chance of a true National
Government. It was understood that the Admiralty would be vacant, and I wished very
much to go there should the Conservatives be returned to power. I was, of course, well
aware that this desire was not shared by several of Mr. Baldwin's principal colleagues. I
represented a policy, and it was known that I should strive for it whether from without or
from within. If they could do without me, they would certainly be very glad. To some
extent this depended upon their majority.
* * * * *
where our
interesting invalid [the Nelsonupon the enemy communications be
possible? Are the enemy resources sufficient to hold down all the
countries at present conquered as well as a large part of France,
while they are fighting the French Army and Great Britain?
(4) Is it not possible thus to prolong the resistance until the
United States come in?
General weygand, while agreeing with the conception of the counter -stroke on
the lower Seine, said that he had inadequate forces to implement it. He added
that, in his judgment, the Germans had got plenty to spare to hold down all
the countries at present conquered as well as a large part of France. Reynaud
added that the Germans had raised fifty-five divisions and had built four
thousand to five thousand heavy tanks since the outbreak of war. This was of
course an immense exaggeration of what they had built.
In conclusion, I expressed in the most formal manner my hope that if there
was any change in the situation the French Government would let the British
Government know at once, in order that they might come over and see them
at any convenient spot, before they took any final decisions which would
govern their action in the second phase of the war.
We then took leave of P?tain, Weygand, and the staff of G.Q.G., and this was
the last we saw of them. Finally I took Admiral Darlan apart and spoke to him
159
alone. ?Darlan, you must never let them get the French Fleet. ? He promised
solemnly that he would never do so.
* * * * *
The morning was cloudy, thus making it impossible for the twelve Hurricanes
to escort us. We had to choose between waiting till it cleared up or taking a
chance in the Flamingo. We were assured that it would be cloudy all the way.
It was urgently necessary to get back home. Accordingly we started alone,
calling for an escort to meet us, if possible, over the Channel. As we
approached the coast, the skies cleared and presently became cloudless. Eight
thousand feet below us on our right hand was Havre, burning. The smoke
drifted away to the eastward. No new escort was to be seen. Presently I
noticed some consultations going on with the captain, and immediately after
we dived to a hundred feet or so above the calm sea, where aeroplanes are
often invisible. What had happened? I learned later that they had seen two
German aircraft below us firing at fishing-boats. We were lucky that their
pilots did not look upward. The new escort met us as we approached the
English shore, and the faithful Flamin the
Norwegian Government see no objection to the use of Norwegian territorial waters for
hundreds of miles by a German warship for the purpose of escaping capture on the high
seas and of conveying British prisoners to a German prison camp. Such a doctrine is at
variance with international law as His Majesty's Government understand it. It would in their
view legalise the abuse by German warships of neutral waters and create a position which
His Majesty's Government could in no circumstances accept.
* * * * *
Hitler's decision to invade Norway had, as we have seen, been taken on December 14, and
the staff work was proceeding under Keitel. The incident of the Altmark no doubt gave a
spur to action. At Keitel's suggestion on February 20, Hitler summoned urgently to Berlin
General Falkenhorst, who was at that time in command of an army corps at Coblenz.
Falkenhorst had taken part in the German campaign in Finland in 1918, and upon this
subject the interview with the Fuehrer opened. The General described the conversation at
425
the Nuremberg Trials.
Hitler reminded me of my experience in Finland, and said to me, ?Sit down
and tell me what you did.? After a moment, the Fuehrer interrupted me. He
led me to a table covered with maps. ?I have a similar thing in mind,? he
said: ?the occupation of Norway; because I am informed that the English
intend to land there, and I want to be there before them.?
Then marching up and down he expounded to me his reasons. ?The
occupation of Norway by the British would be a strategic turning movement
which would lead them into the Baltic, where we have neither troops nor
coastal fortifications. The success which we have gained in the East and
which we are going to win in the West would be annihilated because the
enemy would find himself in a position to advance on Berlin and to break the
backbone of our two fronts. In the second and third place, the conquest of
Norway will ensure the liberty of movement of our Fleet in the Bay of
Wilhelmshaven, and will protect our imports of Swedish ore.? Finally he said
to me, ?I appoint you to the command of the expedition.?
That afternoon Falkenhorst was summoned again to the Chancellery to discuss with Hitler,
Keitel, and Jodl the detailed operational plans for the Norwegian expedition. The question
of priorities was of supreme importance. Would Hitler commit himself in Norway before or
after the execution of ?Case Yellow?? the attack on France? On March 1that the shore batteries could be
either destroyed or dominated to such an extent as to permit
transports to enter? If so, how many ships and what type would you
propose?
On this Admiral Forbes asked for details about the Trondheim defences. He agreed that the
shore batteries might be destroyed or dominated in daylight by battleships provided with
suitable ammunition. None was carried at that moment in Home Fleet ships. The first and
most important task, he said, was to protect troopships from heavy air attack over the
thirty miles approach through narrow waters, and the next to carry out an opposed landing
of which ample warning had been given. In the circumstances he did not consider the
operation feasible.
The Naval Staff persisted in their view, and the Admiralty with my earnest agreement
replied on April 15 as follows:
We still think that the operation described should be further studied.
It could not take place for seven days, which would be devoted to
careful preparation. Danger from air not appreciably less wherever
these large troopships are brought into the danger zone. Our idea
would be that in addition to R.A.F. bombing of Stavanger
467
aerodrome, Suffolk should bombard with high-explosive at dawn,
hoping thereby to put the aerodrome out of business. The
aerodrome at Trondheim could be dealt with by Fleet air -arm
bombers and subsequently by bombardment. High-explosive shells
for fifteen-inch guns have been ordered to Rosyth. Furious and First
Cruiser Squadron would be required for this operation. Pray,
therefore, consider this important project further.
Admiral Forbes, although not fully convinced of its soundness, therefore addressed himself
to the project in a more favourable mood. In a further reply he said that he did not
anticipate great difficulty from the naval side, except that he could not provide air defence
for the transports while carrying out the landing. The naval force required would be the
Valiant and Renown to give air defence to the Glorious, the Warspite to bombard, at least
four A.A. cruisers and about twenty destroyers.
* * * * *
While plans for the frontal attack on Trondheim from the sea were being advanced with all
speed, two subsidiary landings were already in progress designed to envelop the town from
the landward side. Of these the first was a hundred miles to the north, at Namsos, where
Major-General Carton de Wiart, V.C., had been chosen to command the troops with orders
?to secbe available at five days? notice to
move into the Delta for internal security or other emergency
employment. The Polish Brigade and the French Volunteer Unit
should move to the Delta from Palestine as may be convenient
and join the general reserve.
9. The movement of the Indian division now embarking or in
transit should be accelerated to the utmost. Unless some of the
troops evacuated from Somaliland and not needed for Aden are
found sufficient to reinforce the Soudan, in addition to
reinforcements from Kenya, this whole division, as is most
419
desirable, should proceed to Suez to join the Army of the Delta
[later called the Army of the Nile It can hardly be
argued that we can go on paying them till our last gasp. Surely
we ought to use this money to build more ships or buy more from
the United States in view of the heavy sinkings off the Bloody
Foreland.
Pray let me know how these subsidies could be terminated, and
what retaliatory measures could be taken in the financial sphere
by the Irish, observing that we are not afraid of their cutting off
our food, as it would save us the enormous mass of fertilisers and
feeding-stuffs we have to carry into Ireland through the De
Valera-aided German blockade. Do not assemble all the pros and
cons for the moment, but show what we could do financially and
what would happen. I should be glad to know about this
tomorrow.
I gave you and each of the C.O.S. a copy of the Irish paper. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer?s comments are also favourable, and
there is no doubt subsidies can be withdrawn at very short
notice.
We must now consider the military reaction. Suppose they invited
the Germans into their ports, they would divide their people, and
we should endeavour to stop the Germans. They would seek to
be neutral and would bring the war upon themselves. If they
withdrew the various cable and watching facilities they have,
what would this amount to, observing that we could suspend all
connections between England and Southern Ireland? Suppose
they let German U-boats come in to refresh in west coast ports of
Ireland, would this be serious, observing that U-boats have a
radius of nearly thirty days, and that the limiting factor is desire
of crews to get home and need of refit, rather than need of
refuelling and provisioning? Pray let me have your observations
on these and other points which may occur to you.
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S. Committee. 3.XII.40.
600
I thought it well to try to bring the President along in this policy.
North Atlantic transport remains the prime anxiety. Undoubtedly,
Hitler will augment his U-boat and air attack on shipping and
operate ever farther into the ocean. Now that we are denied the
use of Irish ports and airfields, our difficulties strain our flotillas to
the utmost limit. We have so far only been able to bring a very
few of your fifty destroyers into action on account of the many
defects which they naturally develop when exposed to Atlantic
weather after having been laid up so long. I am arranging to
have a very full technical account prepared of renovations and
impro
This thought preys upon me: The months slip by rapidly. If we delay too
long in repairing our defences, we may be forbidden by superior power to
complete the process.
We were much disappointed that the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not be present. It
was evident that Mr. Baldwin's health was failing, and it was well known that he would
soon seek rest from his burdens. There could be no doubt who would be his successor.
Unhappily, Mr. Neville Chamberlain was absent upon a well-deserved holiday, and did not
have the opportunity of this direct confrontation with the facts from members of the
Conservative Party who included his brother and so many of his most valued personal
friends.
Most earnest consideration was given by Ministers to our formidable representations, but it
was not till after the recess, on November 23, 1936, that we were all invited by Mr. Baldwin
to receive a more fully considered statement on the whole position. Sir Thomas Inskip then
gave a frank and able account, in which he did not conceal from us the gravity of the plight
175
into which we had come. In substance this was to the effect that our estimates and, in
particular, my statements took a too gloomy view of our prospects; that great efforts were
being made (as indeed they were) to recover the lost ground; but that no case existed
which would justify the Government in adopting emergency measures; that these would
necessarily be of a character to upset the whole industrial life of this country, would cause
widespread alarm, and advertise any deficiencies that existed, and that within these limits
everything possible was being done. On this Sir Austen Chamberlain recorded our general
impression that our anxieties were not relieved and that we were by no means satisfied.
Thus we took our leave.
I cannot contend that at this date, the end of 1936, the position could have been retrieved.
Much more, however, could and ought to have been done by an intense conclusive effort.
And of course the fact and proof of this effort must have had its immeasurable effect on
Germany, if not on Hitler. But the paramount fact remained that the Germans had the lead
of us in the air, and also over the whole field of munitions production, even making
allowance for our smaller military needs, and for the fact that we had a right also to count
upon France and the French Army and air force. It was no longer in our power to forestall
Hitler or to regain air parity. Nothin which will be
secured by the placing [in itbetween
the position now, and at the end of the year 1914. The transition from peace
to war has been accomplished. The outer seas, for the moment at any rate,
arc clear from enemy surface craft. The lines in France are static. But in
addition on the sea we have repelled the first U-boat attack, which
previously did not begin till February, 1915, and we can see our way through
the magnetic-mine novelty. Moreover, in France the lines run along the
frontiers instead of six or seven of the French provinces and Belgium being
in the enemy's hands. Thus I feel we may compare the position now very
favourably with that of 1914. And also I have the feeling (which may be
corrected at any moment) that the Kaiser's Germany was a much tougher
customer than Nazi Germany.
This is the best I can do for a Christmas card in these hard times.
I was by now increasingly convinced that there could be no ?Operation Catherine? in 1940.
The sending of a superior surface fleet into the Baltic [I wrote to
10
A Dark New Year
414
Pound, January 6 Two British
divisions due to start for France in February should be retained in England and prepared for
fighting in Norway. Meanwhile, every effort should be made to procure the assent and if
possible the co-operation of the Norwegians and Swedes. The issue of what to do if
Norway and Sweden refused, as seemed probable, was never faced.
A vivid episode now sharpened everything in Scandinavia. The reader will remember my
concern to capture the Altmark, the auxiliary of the Spee. This vessel was also a floating
prison for the crews of our sunk merchant ships. British captives released by Captain
Langsdorff according to international law in Montevideo Harbour told us that nearly three
hundred British merchant seamen were on board the Altmark. This vessel hid in the South
Atlantic for nearly two months, and then, hoping that the search had died down, her
captain made a bid to return to Germany. Luck and the weather favoured her, and not until
February 14, after passing between Iceland and the Faroes, was she sighted by our aircraft
in Norwegian territorial waters.
On the position as reported to me this morning, it would seem that the
cruiser and destroyers should sweep northward during the day up the coast
of Norway, not hesitating to arrest Altmark in territorial waters should she be
found. This ship is violating neutrality in carrying British prisoners of war to
Germany. Surely another cruiser or two should be sent to rummage the
First Lord to First Sea Lord. 16.2.40.
423
Skagerrak tonight? The Altmark must be regarded as an invaluable trophy.
In the words of an Admiralty communiqu? ?certain of His Majesty's ships which were
conveniently disposed were set in motion.? A destroyer flotilla, under the command of
Captain Philip Vian, of H.M.S. Cossack, intercepted the Altmark, but did not immediately
molest her. She took refuge in Josing Fiord, a narrow inlet about half a mile long
surrounded by high snow-clad cliffs. Two British destroyers were told to board her for
examination. At the entrance to the fiord they were met by two Norwegian gunboats, who
informed them that the ship was unarmed, had been examined the previous day, and had
received permission to proceed to Germany, making use of Norwegian territorial waters.
Our destroyers thereupon withdrew.
When this information reached the Admiralty, I intervened, and with the concurrence of the
Foreign Secretary, ordered our ships to enter the fiord. I did not often act so direThe Cabinet, including the Foreign Secretary, appeared strongly
favourable to this action.
It is therefore necessary to take all steps to prepare it.
First Lord to First Sea Lord and others. 19.IX.39.
400
1. The negotiations with the Norwegians for the chartering of their tonnage
must be got out of the way first.
2. The Board of Trade would have to make arrangements with Sweden to
buy the ore in question, as it is far from our wish to quarrel with the
Swedes.
3. The Foreign Office should be made acquainted with our proposals, and
the whole story of Anglo -American action in 1918 must be carefully set forth,
together with a reasoned case.
4. The operation itself should be studied by the Admiralty Staff concerned.
The Economic Warfare Department should be informed as and when
necessary.
Pray let me be continually informed of the progress of this plan, which is of
the highest importance in crippling the enemy's war industry.
A further Cabinet decision will be necessary when all is in readiness.
On the twenty-ninth, at the invitation of my colleagues, and after the whole subject had
been minutely examined at the Admiralty, I drafted a paper for the Cabinet upon this
subject and on the chartering of neutral tonnage which was linked with it.
Norway and Sweden
Memorandum by the First Lord of the Admiralty
September 29, 1939.
Chartering Norwegian Tonnage.
The Norwegian Delegation is approaching, and in a few days the President
of the Board of Trade hopes to make a bargain with them by which he
charters all their spare tonnage, the bulk of which consists of tankers.
The Admiralty consider the chartering of this tonnage most important, and
Lord Chatfield has written strongly urging it upon them.
German Supplies of Iron Ore from Narvik.
2. At the end of November the Gulf of Bothnia normally freezes, so that
Swedish iron ore can be sent to Germany only through Oxelosund in the
401
Baltic, or from Narvik at the north of Norway. Oxelosund can export only
about one-fifth of the weight of ore Germany requires from Sweden. In
winter normally the main trade is from Narvik, whence ships can pass down
the west coast of Norway, and make the whole voyage to Germany without
leaving territorial waters until inside the Skagerrak.
It must be understood that an adequate supply of Swedish iron ore is vital to
Germany, and the interception or prevention of these Narvik supplies during
the winter months, i.e., from October to the end of April, Prien left Kiel on October 8, a clear
bright autumn day, and passed through Kiel Canal? course N.N.W.,
Scapa Flow. On October 13, at 4 A.M., the boat was lying off the
Orkneys. At 7 P.M.? Surface; a fresh breeze blowing, nothing in
sight; looming in the half darkness the line of the distant coast; long
streamers of Northern Lights flashing blue wisps across the sky.
Course West. The boat crept steadily closer to Holm Sound, the
eastern approach to Scapa Flow. Unfortunate it was that these
channels had not been completely blocked. A narrow passage lay
open between two sunken ships. With great skill Prien steered
through the swirling waters. The shore was close. A man on a
bicycle could be seen going home along the coast road. Then
suddenly the whole bay opened out. Kirk Sound was passed. They
were in. There under the land to the north could be seen the great
shadow of a battleship lying on the water, with the great mast rising
above it like a piece of filigree on a black cloth. Near, nearer? all
367
tubes clear? no alarm, no sound but the lap of the water, the low
hiss of air pressure and the sharp click of a tube lever. Los! [Fire!bring relative battleship
strength in home waters to a smaller margin than is satisfactory.
Bismarck and Tirpitz will certainly be in service in January. We
have already King George V, and hope to have Prince of Wales in
the line at the same time. These modern ships are, of course, far
better armoured, especially against air attack, than vessels like
Rodney and Nelson, designed twenty years ago. We have
recently had to use Rodney on transatlantic escort, and at any
time, when numbers are so small, a mine or a torpedo may alter
decisively the strength of the line of battle. We get relief in June,
when Duke of York will be ready, and shall be still better off at
the end of 1941, when Anson also will have joined. But these two
first-class modern 35,000-ton 3 fifteen-inch-gun German
battleships force us to maintain a concentration never previously
necessary in this war.
8. We hope that the two Italian Littorios will be out of action for a
while, and anyway they are not so dangerous as if they were
manned by Germans. Perhaps they might be! We are indebted to
you for your help about the Richelieu and Jean Bart, and I
daresay that will be all right. But, Mr. President, as no one will
see more clearly than you, we have during these months to
consider for the first time in this war a fleet action in which the
enemy will have two ships at least as good as our two best and
only two modern ones. It will be impossible to reduce our
strength in the Mediterranean, because the attitude of Turkey,
and indeed the whole position dior detective bag in the Eastern Basin, depends
upon our having a strong fleet there. The older, unmodernised
battleships will have to go for convoy. Thus, even in the
battleship class we are in full extension.
9. There is a second field of danger: The Vichy Government may,
either by joining Hitler?s New Order in Europe or through some
manoeuvre, such as forcing us to attack an expedition
despatched by sea against the Free French Colonies, find an
excuse for ranging with the Axis Powers the very considerable
undamaged naval forces still under its control. If the French Navy
were to join the Axis, the control of West Africa would pass
555
immediately into their hands, with the gravest consequences to
our communications between the Northern and Southern Atlantic,
and also affecting Dakar and of course thereafter South America.
10. A third sphere of danger is in the Far East. Here it seems
clear that Japan is thrusting southward t
This represented the highest professional advice, and of course is just the kind of thing that
passes easily through a grave, wise Cabinet. Events swept it away; but not until a great
deal of money had been spent. The barrage mines came in handy later on for other tasks.
* * * * *
Presently a new and formidable danger threatened our life. During September and October,
nearly a dozen merchant ships were sunk at the entrance of our harbours, although these
had been properly swept for mines. The Admiralty at once suspected that a magnetic mine
378
had been used. This was no novelty to us; we had even begun to use it on a small scale at
the end of the previous war. In 1936, an Admiralty Committee had studied counter -
measures against magnetic-firing devices, but their work had dealt chiefly with countering
magnetic torpedoes or buoyant mines, and the terrible damage that could be done by large
ground-mines laid in considerable depth by ships or aircraft had not been fully realised.
Without a specimen of the mine, it was impossible to devise the remedy. Losses by mines,
largely Allied and neutral, in September and October had amounted to fifty-six thousand
tons, and in November Hitler was encouraged to hint darkly at his new ?secret weapon? to
which there was no counter. One night when I was at Chartwell, Admiral Pound came down
to see me in serious anxiety. Six ships had been sunk in the approaches to the Thames.
Every day hundreds of ships went in and out of British harbours, and our survival depended
on their movement. Hitler's experts may well have told him that this form of attack would
compass our ruin. Luckily he began on a small scale, and with limited stocks and
manufacturing capacity.
Fortune also favoured us more directly. On November 22 between 9 and 10 P.M., a German
aircraft was observed to drop a large object attached to a parachute into the sea near
Shoeburyness. The coast here is girdled with great areas of mud which uncover with the
tide, and it was immediately obvious that whatever the object was it could be examined
and possibly recovered at low water. Here was our golden opportunity. Before midnight
that same night two highly skilled officers, Lieutenant-Commanders Ouvry and Lewis from
H.M.S. Vernon, the naval establishment responsible for developing underwater weapons,
were called to the Admiralty, where the First Sea Lord and I interviewed them and heard
their plans. By 1.30 in the morning, they were on t and
we were all three about to press it strongly upon your predecessor. It seems
a great pity to lose this valuable time. I have now upwards of six thousand
mines ready and moving forward in an endless flow? alas, only on land? and
of course there is always danger of secrecy being lost when delays occur.
I look forward to an early meeting of the Supreme Council, where I trust
concerted action may be arranged between French and English colleagues?
for that is what we are.
Mr. Churchill to M. Reynaud. March 22, 1940.
434
Pray give my kind regards to Mandel, and believe me, with the warmest
wishes for your success, in which our common safety is deeply involved.
The French Ministers came to London for a meeting of the Supreme War Council on March
28. Mr. Chamberlain opened with a full and clear description of the scene as he saw it. To
my great satisfaction he said his first proposal was that ?a certain operation, generally
known as the ??oyal Marine,' should be put into operation immediately.? He described
how this project would be carried out and stated that stocks had been accumulated for
effective and continuous execution. There would be complete surprise. The operation
would take place in that part of the Rhine used almost exclusively for military purposes. No
similar operation had ever been carried out before, nor had equipment previously been
designed capable of taking advantage of river conditions and working successfully against
the barrages and types of craft found in rivers. Finally, owing to the design of the weapon,
neutral waters would not be affected. The British anticipated that this attack would create
the utmost consternation and confusion. It was well known that no people were more
thorough than the Germans in preparation and planning; but equally no people could be
more completely upset when their plans miscarried. They could not improvise. Again, the
war had found the German railways in a precarious state, and therefore their dependence
on their inland waterways had increased. In addition to the floating mines, other weapons
had been designed to be dropped from aircraft in canals within Germany itself, where there
was no current. He urged that surprise depended upon speed. Secrecy would be
endangered by delay, and the river conditions were about to be particularly favourable. As
to German retaliation, if Germany thought it worth while to bomb French or British cities,
she would not wait for a pretext. Ever
Presume he knows that British and French are fighting their way
to coast between Gravelines and Ostend inclusive, and that we
propose to give fullest support from Navy and Air Force during
hazardous embarkation. What can we do for him? Certainly we
cannot serve Belgium?s cause by being hemmed in and starved
out. Our only hope is victory, and England will never quit the war
whatever happens till Hitler is beat or we cease to be a State.
Trust you will make sure he leaves with you by aeroplane before
too late. Should our operation prosper and we establish [anRegular battalions. The speed
of this fast convoy should be accelerated.
2. Everything must be done to carry out the recommendations for
the control of aliens put forward by the Committee and minuted
Prime Minister to General Ismay, for C.O.S.
18.V.40.
60
by me on another paper. Action should also be taken against
Communists and Fascists, and very considerable numbers should
be put in protective or preventive internment, including the
leaders. These measures must, of course, be brought before the
Cabinet before action.
3. The Chiefs of Staff must consider whether it would not be well
to send only half of the so-called Armoured Division to France.
One must always be prepared for the fact that the French may be
offered very advantageous terms of peace, and the whole weight
be thrown on us.
* * * * *
I also thought it necessary, with the approval of my colleagues, to send the
following grave telegrams to President Roosevelt in order to show how
seriously the interests of the United States would be affected by the conquest
and subjugation not only of France but of Great Britain. The Cabinet pondered
over these drafts for a while, but made no amendment.
I do not need to tell you about the gravity of what has happened.
We are determined to persevere to the very end, whatever the
result of the great battle raging in France may be. We must
expect in any case to be attacked here on the Dutch model
before very long, and we hope to give a good account of
ourselves. But if American assistance is to play any part it must
be available soon.
Lothian has reported his conversation with you. I understand
your difficulties, but I am very sorry about the destroyers. If they
were here in six weeks they would play an invaluable part. The
Former Naval Person to President Roosevelt.
18.V.40.
Former Naval Person to President Roosevelt.
20.V.40.
61
battle in France is full of danger to both sides. Though we have
taken heavy toll of the enemy in the air and are clawing down
two or three to one of their planes, they have still a formidable
numerical superiority. Our most vital need is, therefore, the
delivery at the earliest possible date of the largest possible
number of Curtiss P-40 fighters, now in course of delivery to your
Army.
With regard to the closing part of your talk with Lothian, our
intention is, whatever happens, to fight on to the end in this
island, and, provided we can get the help for which we ask, we
hope to run them in the
meanwhile, so long as he gets their light tanks. I am prepared to
risk the fifty Infantry tanks in the Mediterranean, provided their
personnel is distributed among H.M. ships; but there can be no
question of them or their personnel going by the Cape, thus
making sure they are out of everything for two months. The
personnel sent through the Mediterranean must be cut down to
essentials, the balance going round.
Pray let me have further proposals by tomorrow (Monday).
1. Just before the French went out of the war, Admiral Darlan
bombarded Genoa in full daylight without any Asdic destroyer
protection, or any aircraft protection, and returned to Toulon
unscathed. The Eastern Mediterranean Fleet has three times
advanced to the centre of the Mediterranean and returned to
Alexandria with only one ship ? Gloucester ? hit by one bomb. A
few weeks ago a fast and a slow convoy were conducted
uninjured from Malta to Alexandria ? two days of their voyage
being beset by Italian aircraft.
2. The Admiralty now propose to send six destroyers from
Alexandria to meet Force ?H.? These destroyers, which will
certainly be detected from the air, will be within air-attacking
distance of the very numerous, fast Italian cruiser forces in their
home bases. This movement should be rightly condemned as
hazardous in the extreme but for the just estimation in which
Italian naval enterprise is held by C.-in-C. Mediterranean and the
Prime Minister to First Lord and First Sea Lord.
13.VIII.40.
438
Admiralty.
3. We are now told that it is too dangerous for the powerful
forces we shall have in motion in the near future to carry through
to the Eastern Mediterranean two M.T. [mechanical transportof the
completed Japanese battle -cruisers.
I pray that we may never have to make this widespread
distribution, but I am in full accord with the principles on which
the Admiralty would propose to meet the strain. I should have
thought that Hood would be a greater deterrent than Renown.
Please let me have a report of the possibility of air attack on
Bismarck and Tirpitz. This seems to me to be one of the most
Prime Minister to Chancellor of the Exchequer. 28.VII.40.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to First Lord and First Sea Lord. 1.VIII.40.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to First Lord and First Sea Lord. 2.VIII.40.
651
vital steps to take. Apart from this, there is no need to make any
new dispositions at the present time on account of Japanese warrisk.
I was much concerned to hear of the sinking of the three tankers
off Tory Island. I should like to see you move some destroyers
from the East Coast thither. We had better wait, however, until
the August moon-phase is over. During this time also the
American guns and rifles will be distributed to the troops.
Next week one of my principal tasks must be going through this
scheme of the Air Ministry for increasing the pilots and for the
training of pilots. Lord Beaverbrook should be asked for his views
beforehand.
2. Let me have a report on the plans for lectures on tactical
subjects for the troops in the autumn.
3. What has been done about the collection of scrap of all kinds?
Let me?have a short report on one page covering the progress
made this year.
4. When at the Admiralty f took a special interest in the work of
the Salvage Department, and held a meeting there four months
ago. A naval officer, Captain Dewar, was then in charge. Let me
have a report on what has happened to salvage since that day.
5. I am also expecting this week to reach a settlement about the
functions of the A.R.P. and police in the case of invasion. The
Lord Privy Seal was dealing with this in the first instance. At the
same time we must consider allowing transfers from A.R.P. to the
Home Guard, and their being made available for fighting
purposes. To what extent has the payment of the A.R.P.
personnel been discontinued or restricted? It ought to be
continually restricted.
(Action this day.)
Prime Minister to General Ismay. 2.VIII.40.
652
6. Let me have a report on the progress and future construction
of the tank divisions. There should be five armoured divisions by
March 31 [1941action in the Balkans was motivated
exclusively by the circumstances of our war against England. As
soon as England conceded her defeat and asked for peace,
German interests in the Balkans would be confined exclusively to
the economic field, and German troops would be withdrawn from
Rumania. Germany had, as the Fuehrer had repeatedly declared,
no territorial interests in the Balkans. He could only repeat again
and aga | |